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W. S. W. VAUX, M.A., F.R.S., 




Fad inn abiit monumenta matient. Ov. Fust. 












Christian Emblems on the Coins of Constantino I. the 
Great, his Family, and his Successors. By Frederic 
W. Madden, Esq., M.E.A.S I, 161) 

On an Unpublished Archaic Tetradrachm of Olynthus. By 

Barclay V. Head, Esq 85 

Macedonian and Greek Coins of the Seleucidae. By Percy 

Gardner, Esq., M.A .90 

Monnaies d'Hierapolis en Syrie. Par Mons. .1. P. Six . 103 

Numismatic Eeattributions. Phanes : Lamia: Electryona. 

By Percy Gardner, Esq., M.A 26! 

On Himyarite and other Arabian Imitations of Coins of Athens. 

By Barclay V. Head, Esq 273 


The Coinages of Western Europe : from the Fall of the 
Western Empire till the Accession of Charlemagne. By 
C. F. Keary, Esq., M.A 49, 132, 216 



Notes towards a Metallic History of Scotland. Nos. II., III. 

By R. W. Cochran-Patrick, Esq., F.S.A.Scot. . 7,'3, 2;) I 

On a New Piece of Bermuda Hog-Money of the Value of Two- 
pence. By General Sir J. H. Lefroy, F.R.S. . . 160 

The Portcullis Groat of Henry VII. By John Evans, Esq., 

D.C.L., LL.D., Treas.R.S 285 


Zeitschrift fur Numismatik 81 

Numismatische Zeitschrift . . . . . . .83 

Melanges de Numismatique 83 

La Monnaie dans 1'antiquite, lee, on s professees dans la chaire 
d'archeologie pres la Bibliotheque Natiouale en 1875 77, 
par F. Lenorinant ........ 84 

Numismatique de 1'Orient Latin. Par G. Schhimberger . 259 

Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien urid 

Indien. I. Historische Uebersicht 302 

A Guide to the select Greek, Roman, and other Coins 

exhibited in electrotype in Brighton College . . . 302 

Monnaies d' Argent frappees a Heraclea de Bythinie. Par 
H. Ferdinand Bompois. Quelques Mounaies anepi- 
graphes attributes indument a la ville de Maronea en 
Thrace. Par II. Ferdinand Bompois .... 303 


Letter to the Editor, on " English Tin Coins " 

Bisham Treasure-Trove . 


. 304 



SESSION 187778. 

OCTOBEE 18, 1877. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

1. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London. 2nd 
Series, vol. vi., index, &c. ; and vol. vii. No. 2, with list of 
Fellows. From the Society. 

2. Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, 
Journal. 4th Series, vol. iv., No. 29, 1877. From the Asso- 

3. Archaeologia Cantiana. Vol. xi. From the Kent Archaeo- 
logical Society. 

4. Royal Asiatic Society Journal. N.S., vol. ix. Part. II. 
From the Society. 

5. American Journal of Numismatics. Vol. xii. No. 1. 

6. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol. vi., 
No. 1. From the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of 

7. Societe royale des Antiquaires du Nord, Memoires. N.S., 
1875-G ; and Aarboger for Nordisk Old-kyndighed og Historie, 



1876. 3rd and 4th Parts, with Tillaeg for 1875. From the 

8. Revue Beige dc Numismatique, 1877. 3rd and 4th 
livruisons. From the Society. 

9. Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de Picardie. 2 me 
ser., tome xx. ; 3 me ser., tome xxi., xxii., xxiii. ; and Documents 
ine'dits, tomes v., vi., vii., viii. From the Society. 

10. Commission Irnperiale Archeologique de St. Petersbourg, 
comptes rendus, 1872-3-4. Each with Atlas. From the Com- 

11. Societe des Antiquaires de FOuest, Bulletins, 2 me tri- 
mestre, 1877 ; Memoires, t. xl., l er fascicule. From the Society. 

12. Societe Royale de Numismatique (de Belgique), Discours 
du President, from the President of the Society. 

18. Chartes de la famille de Reinach deposees aux archives 
du grand-duche de Luxembourg (annees 1221 1455, Nos. 
1 1673), l er fascicule. From the Institut de Luxembourg. 

14. Numismatische Zeitschrift, 1876, Part I., and 1877, 
Part I. From the Editor. 

15. Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik. Band v., Heft 1. From 
the Editor. 

16. Jahresbericht der Wissenschaftlichen Club, 1876-7- 
From the Club. 

17. Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im 
Rheinlande. Heft 59 and 60, 1876-7. From the Society. 

18. Numismata Cromwelliana. Parts IV. VI. By H. W. 
Henfrey. From the Author. 

19. Th. Ducrocq. Memoires sur un denier gaulois inedit. 
From the Author. 

20. R. Chalon. Curiosites numismatiques, 28 me article. 
From the Author. 

21. Lavoix, H. Monnaies a legendes Arabes frappees en 
Syne par les Croise"s. Paris, 1877. From the Author. 

22. Hoblyn, R. A. Rare English coins of the Milled Series. 
From the Author. 


The Rev. S. S. Lewis, M.A., exhibited a satirical five-franc 
piece Obv,, MACMAHON. i SEPTENNAT. Head of MacMahon to 
left ; beneath, in small characters, NAPOLEON F. Rev., REPUBLIQUE 
FRAN9AISE. Crowned shield with French eagle and fleurs-de-lis 
quarterly ; cap of Liberty on escutcheon of pretence ; above, a 
cardinal's hat, with celestial rays issuing from the name LOYOLA ; 
behind the shield, crosswise, sword, cannon-sponge, croziers, 
and two banners, bearing the words LOURDES and SALETTE. Date 

Mr. B. V. Head read a paper on the recent interesting dis- 
covery near Smyrna of a large number of Electrum Staters 
of Cyzicus and Lampsacus, and exhibited autotype fac-similes 
of eleven new types. Mr. Head also read portions of a letter 
to himself from M. Six, of Amsterdam, on the current value at 
Athens of the Cyzicene staters in the fifth century B.C., and on 
the period of time during which these coins continued to be 
issued from the mint at Cyzicus, fixed conjecturally by M. Six 
at about a century and a half from B.C. 478 833. See vol. 
xvii. p. 169. 

Mr. Evans read a paper " On Three Roman Medallions of 
Postumus, Commodus, and Probus," and exhibited the speci- 
mens described in his paper, which is printed in vol. xvii. p. 334. 

NOVEMBER 15, 1877. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

T. Hodgkin, Esq., the Rev. H. R. Huckin, D.D., Mrs. 
Priestly, the Right Hon. Lord Selborne, F.R.S., and the Hon. 
Reginald Talbot were elected members of the Society. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

1. Boutkowski, A. Dictionnaire numisniatique. Livraison I. 
From the Author. 


2. Weyl, A. Brandenlurg-Preussische Miinz-sammlung. 
From the Author. 

8. Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik. Band v., Heft 2. From the 

4. Bulletins de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest, 3 me 
trimestre de 1877. From the Society. 

Genl. Sir J. H. Lefroy, F.R.S., exhibited a brass token for 
two pence, of the Sommer Islands, of the Hog-money series. 
See vol. xiv., p. 166. 

Mr. Evans exhibited six half-sovereigns of the later coinage of 
Edward VI. 

Mr. R. A. Hoblyn exhibited a curious forgery of a crown of 
William III., an unpublished Tower Shilling of William III., 
1697, and a farthing of George I., bronzed, struck on a thmflan 
with a milled edge. 

Mr. E. H. Willett read a paper " On some Recent Additions 
to the Ancient British Coinage of the South-Eastern District," 
which is printed in vol. xvii. p. 809 et seq. 

DECEMBER 20, 1877. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

Arthur Durand George, Esq., Alexander Grant, Esq., and 
Lieut.-Col. John Glas Sandeman were elected members of the 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

1. Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, 
Journal. 4th Series, vol. iv., April, 1872. From the Associa- 

2. Smithsonian Institution. Annual Report, 1876. From 
the Institution. 

8. Catalogue of Coins and Tokens in the Museum of the 
Royal Mint, From R. A. Hoblyn, Esq. 


4. Notice sur une monnaie du Transvaal Dernieres monnaies 
de Charles VII. From A. Pearson, Esq. 

Mr. Evans exhibited a memorial medal in silver, cast in two 
separate pieces, probably from wax models, and tooled. Obv. 
IN REMEMBRANCE OF IOSIAS NicoLSON. Three-quarter bust in 
flowing peruke to left, two skulls above and two at the sides 
inserted in the inscription. Rev. a skeleton to the left, digging, 
MEMENTO MORI in sunk letters. 

Mr. Hoblyn exhibited a pattern of the first penny of 
George III., by Pingo. 

Mr. Copp exhibited a forgery of the sovereign of Charles I. 
struck at Oxford in 1643. 

Mr. Cochran-Patrick communicated the second portion of a 
paper " On the Metallic History of Scotland," printed in vol. 
xviii., p. 73, and Mr. H. S. Gill an account of the hoard of 
Edward the Confessor's pennies found at Sedlescombe, near 

JANUARY 17, 1878. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

T. Theodore Bent, Esq., W. F. Lawrence, Esq., H. H. 
Howorth, Esq., F.S.A., and Colonel W. F. Prideaux were elected 
members of the Society. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

1. Royal Asiatic Society, Journal. N.S., vol. x., Part I., 
1877. From the Society. 

2. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1878. l re livraison. 
From the Society. 

3. A. Weyl. Die Jules Fonrobert'sche Sammlung iiber- 
seeischer Miinzen und Medaillen. From the Compiler. 

Mr. Hoblyn exhibited three blundered sixpences of William 
III., of the years 1696 and 1697, also three patterns for pennies 
dated 1860. 


Mr. C. F. Keary, M.A., read a paper " On a Discovery of 
Coins of William I. and II. at Tamworth." See vol. xvii., 
p. 340. 

Mr. Evans read a paper "On the Portcullis Groat of 
Henry VII." See vol. xviii. p. 285. 

Mr. Madden communicated a paper " On Christian Emblems 
on the Coins of Constantino the Great and his Successors," in 
which he treated of the origin and history of the diadem, the 
nimbus, the Christian monogram, &c. See vol. xviii., p. 1. 

FEBRUARY 21, 1878. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

W. Buttery, Esq., was elected a member of the Society. 

Prof. Dr. Theodor Mommsen and M. le Vicomte de Ponton 
d'Amecourt were elected honorary members. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

From the Rev. Canon Pownall, F.S.A. 

1. Proposals in regard to the Coinage, 1695-96. 

(i.) Proposals for restoring the Silver Money of England to 
its Former State. Printed for R. Cumberland at the Angel in 
St. Paul's Churchyard, 1695. 

(ii.) Some short Proposals humbly offered to the consideration 
of Parliament for regulating the Coin. London ; printed for R. 

(iii.) A Letter from London to a Friend in Westminster pro- 
posing some Particulars relating to the Coyn. London; 
printed, sold by R. Baldwin, Warwick Lane, 1695. 

(iv.) A Word in Season about Guineas. London, 30th July, 

(v.) Some Questions answered relating to the badness of the 


now Silver Coin of England. London ; printed for Richard 
Cumberland at the Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1696. 

2. Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest. 2 me 
ser., torn, i., 1877. From the Society. 

3. Comptes rendus de la Societe Francaise de Numismatique 
et d'Archeologie. 2 me ser., tome i., l re partie, 1877. From 
the Society. 

4. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol. 
vi., No. 3, 1878. From the Numismatic and Antiquarian 
Society of Montreal. 

5. Boutkowski, A. Dictionnaire de Numismatique. Liv. ii., 
iii., iv. From the Author. 

6. Dorn. Inventaire des Monnaies des Khalifes Orientaux et 
de plusieurs autres dynasties, classes I. IX., 1877. From the 

The Eev. Canon Pownall exhibited a farthing of Eichard II., 
found near Stamford, with pellets in the quarters, similar to 
No. 322 of Hawkins's " Silver Coins of England." Obv. EICAED. 
BEX ANGL. ; Rev. CIVITAS LONDON.; weight, 4-02 grains. 

Mr. Evans exhibited, in illustration of the type of the same, 
specimens of the noble, half-noble, and quarter-noble of 
Richard II. 

Mr. H. S. Cuming exhibited some small brass coins of Con- 
stantine the Great. 

Mr. Percy Gardner read a paper on some coins of the 
Seleucidae struck in European Greece. See vol. xviii., p. 90. 

Mr. C. Patrick contributed the third portion of a paper " On 
the Metallic History of Scotland." 

MARCH 21, 1878. 
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L, F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 


1. Melanges de Numismatique. Tome i. 1874-5 and 1877, 
fascicules 14. From the Editors. 

2. Bulletins de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest, 4 me 
trimestre de 1877. From the Society. 

From the Author, R. A. Hoblyn, Esq. 

(i.) Milled Silver Coins with the Plumes. 

(ii.) Milled Silver Coins with the Elephant and Castle. 

(iii.) English Tin Coins. 

Major A. B. Creeke sent for exhibition a rubbing of a coin of 
Harold I., reading LEOFWINE ON BV, probably struck at Buck- 

Mr. A. E. Copp exhibited pieces of five guineas with the 
elephant, two guineas, and one guinea of Charles II. ; five 
guineas, two guineas, and one guinea of William III., 1701, and 
five guineas of William III., 1700. 

Mr. Vaux read a letter from the Hon. J. Gibbs, Deputy 
Governor of Bombay, on unpublished Zodiacal Rupees, struck 
in the reign of Jehangir, A.D. 1605 1627 ; also a paper com- 
municated to him by Mr. E. Thomas on the Phrygian inscrip- 
tions of Doganlu, near the old town of Cotiaeum in Phrygia, one 
of which has been recognised as indicating the site of the tomb 
of Midas, and repeatedly published, first by Leake and Walpole, 
and more recently by Mr. Hamilton and Baron Texier, vide 
Rawlinson's " Herodotus " (vol. i., p. 666). Mr. Thomas was 
of opinion that the language of the inscription was essentially 
Aryan in a transition stage, which in his judgment must have 
prevailed before the separation of the Greek and Latin stocks. 
He further believed that he had discovered in the inscription at 
the foot of the tomb certain dates, pointing to the years B.C. 
920 and 848. 

A discussion followed, in which the President, Mr. B. V. 
Head, Mr. P. Gardner, and Mr. C. F. Keary took part, and 
agreed in disputing the author's conclusions. 


APRIL 18, 1878. 
W. S. W. VAUX, Esq., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

Monsieur Fra^ois Lenormant, Dr. F. Kenner, and Professor 
J. Gr. Stickel were elected honorary members of the Society. 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 
table : 

1. Bulletino dell' Institute di Correspondenza Archeologica, 
1869-1877 ; 1878, Nos. 1 and 2. From the Society. 

2. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1878, liv. 2. From the 

3. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London. Vol. 
vii., No. 8. From the Society. 

Mr. R. A. Hoblyn exhibited a complete set of the coins struck 
in 1828 by Mr. M. Young from original dies obtained by him from 
a member of the Roettier family, in the possession of which 
they had been since the end of the seventeenth century. The 
coins in question consisted of a pattern for a piece of sixty 
shillings, Scottish, of James II. ; a pattern for a piece of sixty 
shillings of James VIII. ; a pattern for a shilling or guinea of 
James III. ; a pattern, probably for a quarter-dollar, Scottish, 
of James VIII. ; a piece in tin of James II., struck for the 
American plantations ; and an electrotype of a pattern for an 
English crown of James III., the original of which is in the 
British Museum. 

Mr. C. F. Keary, M.A., read a paper on the " Coinage of the 
Vandals," who, with the Ostrogoths, were the earliest among 
the barbarian invaders of Roman territory to strike money 
bearing the name and title of the barbarian ruler. See vol. xviii., 
p. 132. 


MAY 16, 1878. 

JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 
Thomas Wise, Esq., M.D., was elected a member of the 

The following presents were announced and laid upon the 

table : 

1. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. 
Vol. vi., No. 4, April, 1878. From the Numismatic and Anti- 
quarian Society of Montreal. 

2. Bulletino dell' Institute di Correspondenza Archeologica, 
1878, No. 3. From the Imperial German Archaeological Insti- 
tute of Berlin, Rome, and Athens. 

8. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. Band v. Heft. 3 and 4. 
From the Editor. 

4. Catalogue of the Mayer Collection. Part I. Egyptian 
Antiquities, byC.T. Gatty, Assistant Curator, Liverpool, 1877. 
From Joseph Mayer, Esq. 

5. The Mayer Collection in the Liverpool Museum, con- 
sidered as an educational possession, by C. T. Gatty, Liverpool, 
1878. From J. Mayer, Esq. 

6. "A Free Village Library, Bebington." Reprinted from 
the Liverpool Standard, with additions. Liverpool, 1878. From 
the same. 

7. Temenothyrae, by the Baron K. de Koehne. From the 

8. The bronze medal of the Peabody Education Fund. From 
the Trustees of the Fund, through Robert Winthrop, Esq., the 

Mr. Evans exhibited a copper coin of Cunobeline, found some 
years ago near Boulogne, having on the obverse a head of 
Ammon and the inscription CVNOBELINI ; and on the reverse a 
horseman bearing a round shield and the inscription CAM. 
(Camulodunum). See Evans, PI. XII., No. 14. 

Mr. Frentzel exhibited an impression in copper from an 


die of a halfpenny of Charles II., with the figure of 
.Britannia, and without inscription ; also a brass coin of 
George I., having on the reverse Britannia seated, holding an 
orb and resting on a shield. 

Mr. H. S. Gill exhibited a penny of Henry I., struck at 
Lincoln, with the inscription TOM ON LICOLIN. 

Mr. B. V. Head read a paper, by M. J. P. Six, of Amster- 
dam, " On the Coins of Hierapolis in Syria." See vol. xviii., 
p. 103. 

JUNE 20, 1878. 

Anniversary Meeting. 

JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last Anniversary Meeting were read and 

The following gentlemen were elected members of the 
Society : George Coffey, Esq., J. L. Strachan Davidson, Esq., 
M.A., and W. J. Gillespie, Esq. 

The Report of the Council was then read to the meeting, as 
follows : 

GENTLEMEN, Tae Council again have the honour to lay 
before you their Annual Report as to the state of the Numis- 
matic Society, and have to announce their loss, by resignation, 
of the following members : 

Charles Judd, Esq. 

J. Maxwell Smith, Esq. 1 

On the other hand, they have much pleasure in recording the 
election of the seventeen following members : 

1 Since the above was written, the secretaries have received 
intelligence of the death of Robert Jennings, Esq., H. W. Lamb, 
Esq., and of the Rev. T. Cornthwaite ; also of the resignations 
of W. S. Jones, Esq., A. Dickson Mills, Esq., and II. V. Tebbs, 



T. Bent, Esq. 

W. Buttery, Esq. 

G. Coffey, Esq. 

J. L. Strachau Davidson, 

Esq., M.A. 
A. D. George, Esq. 
W. J. Gillespie, Esq. 
A. Grant, Esq. 
T. Hodgkin, Esq. 
H. H. Howorth, Esq., F.S.A. 

Rev. H. R. Huckin, D.D. 

W. F. Lawrence, Esq. 

Col. W. F. Prideaux. 

Mrs. Priestly. 

Col. J. G. Sandeman. 

Rt. Hon. Lord Selborne, 


Hon. Reginald Talbot, LL.13. 
Thomas Wise, Esq., M.D. 

Also of the five following honorary members : 

M. le Vicomte de Ponton d'Amecourt. 

Dr. F. Kenner. 

M. F. Lenormant. 

Professor Dr. Theodor Mommsen. 

Dr. J. G. Stickel. 

According to our Secretary's Report, our numbers are there- 
fore as follows : 

June, 1878 






The President then delivered the following address : 
At the close of another session, I have again the pleasure of 
congratulating the Society on its prosperous condition, both 
with regard to the number of its members and the continued 
value and interest of its publications. With respect to our 
material well-being, the reports of the Council and of the 
Treasurer have given you full particulars. I will now say a 
few words with regard to some of the papers which have been 
communicated to the Society or have appeared in our journal 
during the past twelve months. 

One of the most important of them in the department of 
ancient numismatics is that by our indefatigable secretary, 
Mr. Head, consisting of additional notes on the recent find of 


Staters of Cyzicus and Lampsacus, on which he had on a 
former occasion favoured the Society with some remarks. In 
this supplemental notice eleven new types of these important 
coins are described, making a total of thirty-seven types of the 
Cyzicene stater present in the find ; while among the sixteen or 
eighteen coins of Lampsacus only one type occurs, and all the 
pieces seem to be from the same die. 

M. Six, in an interesting letter addressed to Mr. Head, 
furnishes some additional information as to the character and 
bearing of some of the Cyzicene types, of which he states that 
there are now known at least 115 varieties. M. Six suggests 
that the emission of these staters must have extended over a 
period of about 145 years, or from about B.C. 478 to B.C. 833, 
and that each successive annual magistrate adopted a new type. 
Mr. Head, on the other hand, inclines to the opinion that the 
issue of the coins must be restricted to a period of about 90 
years, between B.C. 478 and B.C. 387, and that the coin types 
were changed more frequently than once a year. Although it 
is difficult to conceive the grounds on which such a great 
diversity of type was permitted whether we are to regard the 
change in type as taking place annually, or at less intervals, or 
whether we assume that several types were in use at the same 
time it seems to me to add to the difficulty of the case, and 
to be contrary to what might be expected from analogy, that 
such a system once adopted should have remained unchanged 
during so long a period as even 90 years, to say nothing of 

With regard to the question of the value of such staters at 
Athens, I must confess that there appear to me great difficulties 
in supposing that the current value was immediately dependent 
on the exact proportion of gold that each piece contained. 

The assayers of those early times had but rough-and-ready 
means of judging of the purity of metals, though, no doubt, by 
passing one coin out of a number through a fiery ordeal, they 
could ascertain the amount of gold it had contained. It was 


not until the time of Archimedes, or about 250 B.C., that the 
determination of the fineness of the metal by the test of specific 
gravity was discovered, and this method was even then pro- 
bably but little practised. 

Another important communication from our distinguished 
honorary member, M. Six, is on the subject of Phoenician 
coins. In it he suggests a new classification of some of the 
coins of Byblus, and adds a new King Elpaal to the series. 
He enters into the history of the coins of Aradus and Marathus, 
enlarges upon those of Tyre and Sidon, and gives a long list of 
the coins of Gaza. With regard to the Jewish shekels, M. Six 
expresses a cursory opinion that the old attribution to Simon 
Maccabeus will eventually hold good ; and he, therefore, does 
not include them in the article that I have just noticed, to 
which all future students of this branch of numismatics will find 
it necessary to refer. 

M. Six has also favoured the Society with another important 
paper on the coins of Hierapolis in Syria, in which he has 
thrown much light on the coinage of the ancient Bambyce, and 
of that of the dynast and high priest, Abd Hadad. The worship 
of Baal, Dagon, and of the great Dea Syria, Atergates, is one 
which is of interest to many besides numismatists, and the 
representations of these divinities upon the coins of Syria have 
often attracted attention. That the worship of the Syrian 
goddess should have spread so widely throughout Europe is a 
remarkable circumstance, and English antiquaries will be 
pleased to recognise in the virgin seated on a lion and holding 
ears of corn, that same goddess whose praises are recited in 
the curious poetical inscription found at Carvoran, 1 and now 
preserved in the Newcastle Museum. 

Whether the symbol 80, which appears on some of these 

1 Bruce's Roman Wall, p. 401 : 

" Imminet Leoni Virgo cselesti situ 
Spiciiera, justi inventrix, urbium conditrix," &c. 


didrachms, refers to a date or was intended to denote value, is 
a question which I will not attempt to decide. 

Mr. Percy Gardner has also furnished us with another 
valuable paper in the domain of Greek numismatics. In it he 
has treated of the coins of the Seleucid kings of yria, struck 
not in Asia but in Greece and Macedon ; or, at all events, for 
the purpose of being employed in Europe. Some of them are 
copper pieces of Antiochus I., which seem to be of ^Etolian 
origin. Others are of Antiochus III., with the name of the 
^Etolians on the reverse ; while others, again, of the same king 
were struck at Carystus, in Euboaa, on the occasion of his 
expedition through Boeotia into Thessaly. Though the name 
of Antiochus III. does not appear upon the coins, the portrait 
may fairly be accepted as his. The most remarkable discovery 
of Mr. Gardner is, however, that which identifies the veiled 
head of a queen, as Hera, on a coin of Chalcis, with that of the 
young bride of Antiochus, Euboea, whom he courted and 
married during his stay in Chalcis, and in whose honour a 
series of games and ceremonies took place, which are recorded 
by various historians. 

In Roman numismatics our communications have been some- 
what fewer in number, but Mr. Madden has continued his 
series of papers on the Christian emblems on the coins of 
Constantine the Great and his successors, which contain a large 
amount of detailed information upon this interesting subject. 
Among the coins cited those with the type of the labarum 
implanted on the serpent, and with the legend SPES PVBLICA, 
are, perhaps, the most important. But the whole series of 
papers well deserves the attention of all students of Christian 

The only other paper upon Roman coins which we have had 
before us during the past year was one in which I gave a short 
notice of three bronze medallions in my own collection, among 
which that of Postumus with his head side by side with that of 
Hercules is of considerable rarity and interest. 


In mediaeval numismatics Mr. Keary has commenced a series 
of papers on the coinages of Western Europe, from the fall of 
the Western Empire to the accession of Charlemagne. The 
classification of the debased imitations of the Roman coinage 
which were struck during this period is an undertaking fraught 
with much difficulty, and one which requires a large field for 
induction, which, happily, our national collection supplies. But 
little attention, however, has hitherto been bestowed in this 
country upon this class of coins, though the labours of the late 
Mr. De Salis must not be forgotten. Unfortunately, however, 
he did not live to publish to the world the amount of know- 
ledge he had acquired, and numismatists will be grateful to 
Mr. Keary for undertaking to continue his work. The papers 
already communicated to the Society comprise the barbarous 
imitations of the Roman coinage among the Suevians, Bur- 
gundians, Franks, Visigoths, Vandals, and Ostrogoths, and are 
not only of numismatic but of great historical value. 

In British and English numismatics we have had a fail- 
number of papers. First among these must be mentioned that 
by Mr. Ernest Willett, F.S.A., giving an account of a remark- 
able series of ancient British coins, found on the sea-shore in 
the neighbourhood of Bognor. They comprise not only a 
number of uninscribed gold coins, but a large number of those 
of the three sons of Commius Tincommius, Verica, and 
Eppillus including several new and important types. The 
most important is, perhaps, that with the legend COM FILI, 
which sets at rest the question of the meaning of the letter F 
occurring after COM and TASC on the coins of this series. 
The legend CALLEV. on another coin is, however, of almost 
equal importance, as seeming to establish the fact that one of 
the mints of Eppillus was situated at Calleva. The value of 
Mr. Willett's paper is enhanced by the careful analysis made 
by Professor Church of several of the coins of different types. 

The hoard of coins of William I. and II., discovered at Tarn- 
worth, and described by Mr. Keary, throws some light on the 


difficult question of the succession of types in the coinage of 
these two monarchs a subject, however, on which much still 
remains to be learnt. 

Among the more modern English coins, we have had notices 
of the rare portcullis groat of Henry VII. by myself, and of the 
silver coins with the elephant, elephant and castle, and the 
plumes, by Mr. Hoblyn, as well as on English tin coins by the 
same author, so that our native series cannot be said to have 
been in any way neglected. 

For the Scottish series, Mr. Cochran- Patrick has continued 
his notes towards a metallic history of Scotland ; while for 
colonial coins, we have had from General Sir Henry Lefroy a 
notice of the hitherto unknown twopenny-piece, belonging to 
the Hog-money series of Sommer Island, or Bermuda. 

Oriental numismatics have been somewhat neglected during 
the past year, but Mr. Vaux has called our attention to some 
unpublished Zodiacal rupees ; and Mr. Thomas has raised a 
discussion with regard to the antiquity of the Aryan alphabet. 
Moreover, since our last anniversary, the first volume of the 
"International Numismata Orientalia " has been completed, 
most of the contributors to which are members of our Society, 
so that we may fairly claim some portion of the credit due to 
that handsome volume. 

Such, in a short compass, are the results of the labours of 
this Society during the last twelve months, and I venture to 
think that we may point to our publications with some degree 
of satisfaction as evincing that neither numismatic acumen nor 
discriminating scholarship are extinct among us ; and that our 
Society, though now getting old in years, is by no means 
devoid of energy and strength. 

It only remains for me now to express a hope that at the end 
of the year on which we are now entering, we may have, if 
possible, a still more satisfactory retrospect. 

The Treasurer's Report is appended. 




" * * " 

. . . 

. . . 


last Statement . 

riptions . . . 
ith, for Chronicles . 



I " 

a 63 



I S 





a E2 





6c >. . v-J g a; TO .2 a 3 

|ji?|Jf JJlfl'Hi. 


. r O 'TS . n "-a ^S 


The Meeting then proceeded to ballot for the officers of the 
ensuing year, when the following gentlemen were elected : 

JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., F.R.S , F.S.A., F.G.S. 

Vice -Presidents. 

W. S. W.VAUX, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S. 




Foreign Secretary. 


Members of the Council. 

E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ., M.A., F.G.S. 














DECEMBEE, 1878. 




DECEMBER, 1878. 

An Asterisk prefixed to a name indicates that the Member has compounded 
for his annual contribution. 

*ALEXE"IEFF, M. GEORGE DE, Cliambellan de S.M. 1'Empereur de 
Russie, Ekaterinoslaw (par Moscou), Russie Meridionale. 


Rectory, Sudbury, Suffolk. 
BAKER, W. R., ESQ., Bayfordbury, Hertford. 
BARRETT, T. B., ESQ., Welsh Pool, Montgomeryshire. 
BAYLEY, SIR E. CLIVE, H.E.I.C.S., 96, Portland Place, W. 
BENT, T. T., ESQ., 43, Great Cumberland Place, Hyde Park. 
BIRCH, SAMUEL> ESQ., LL.D., F.S.A., British Museum. 
BLADES, WILLIAM, ESQ., 11, Abchurch Lane, Librarian. 
BLAIR, ROBERT, ESQ., 84, King Street, South Shields. 
BRANDT, R. F. W., ESQ., 8, Chester Terrace, Regent's Park. 
BRIDGES, G. H. N., ESQ., 30, Denmark Hill, S.E. 
*BRIGGS, ARTHUR, ESQ., Cragg Royd, Rawden, Leeds. 
BROWN, G. D., ESQ., Fairmill, Henley-on-Thames. 
BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 24, Bank Street, Dundee. 
BUNBURY, EDWARD H., ESQ., M.A., F.G.S., 35, St. James's Street. 
BURNS, EDWARD, ESQ., F. S.A.Scot., 3, London Street, Edinburgh. 
BUSH, COLONEL TOBIN, 14, St. James's Square; and 29, Rue de 

POrangerie, Le Havre. 

BUTLER, CHARLES, ESQ., Warren Wood, Hatfield. 
BUTLER, JOHN, ESQ., Park View, Bolton. 
BUTTERY, W., ESQ., County Club, Galway. 

CALVERT, REV. THOS., 92, Lansdowne Place, Brighton. 


CARFRAK, UOHKUT, ESQ., 77, George Street, Edinburgh. 

<!AVK, LAURENCE TRENT, ESQ., 13, Lowndes Square. 

CHAMBERS, MONTAGUE, ESQ., Q.C., Child's Place, Temple Bar. 

COATS, THOS., ESQ., Ferguslie, Paisley, North Britain. 

COCKBURN, JOHN, ESQ., 28, George Street, Richmond. 

COFFEY, 0-., ESQ., 72, Lower Bagot Street, Dublin. 

*Copp, A. E., ESQ., 2, Myrtle Villas, Thornton Hill, Wimbledon. 

CREEKE, MAJOR ANTHONY BUCK, Monkholme, Burnley. 

*CROY, PRINCE ALFRED EMMANUEL DB, Chateau du Rceulx, Hainaut, 


CUMING, H. SYER, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., 63, Kenningtou Park Road. 
CUMMINGS, REV. A. H., Gunwalloe Vicarage, Helston, Cornwall. 
CUNNINGHAM, MAJOR-GENERAL A., H. S. Kiog & Co., 05, Cornhiil. 

DAVIDSON, J. L. STRACHAN, ESQ., Balliol College, Oxford. 
DAVIDSON, JOHN, ESQ., Arts Club, Hanover Square. 
DAVIES, MAJOR A., Ladbroke House, Redhill, Surrey. 
DAVIES, WILLIAM RUSHER, ESQ., Market Place, Walliiigford. 
DOUGLAS, CAPTAIN R. J. H., Junior United Service Club. 
DOULTON, J. DUNCAN, ESQ., 97, Piccadilly. 
DRYDEN, SIR HENRY, BART., Canon's Asliby, Daventry. 

EADES, GEORGE, ESQ., Evesham, Worcestershire. 


M.R.I.A., Florence Court, Enniskillen, Ireland, Vice-President. 
EVANS, ARTHUR J., ESQ., F.S.A., Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead. 
EVANS, JOHN, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Nash Mills, 

Hemel Hernpstead ; and 65, Old Bailey, President. 
KVANS, SEBASTIAN, ESQ., LL.l)., Heathfield, Alleyne Park, West 

Dulwich, S.E. 

FEUARDENT, GASTON, ESQ., 61, Great Russell Street. 
FONROBERT, JULES, ESQ., 103, Leipzigcr Street, Berlin. 
FORD, T. K, ESQ., 12, Portland Terrace, Southsea. 
FOSTER, JAMES MURRAY, ESQ., F.R.C.P.E., Collumpton, Devon. 
FRENTZEL, RUDOLPH, ESQ., 2, Winchester Street Buildings. 
FREUDENTHAL, W., ESQ., M.D., 9, Bruchthor Promenade, Brunswick. 

GARDNER, PERCY, ESQ., M.A., British Museum. 

GEORGE, A. DURAKD, ESQ., 18, Anglesea Road, Ipswich. 


GIBSON, J. HARRIS, ESQ., 73, Kenshaw Street, Liverpool. 


GILLESPIE, W. J., Whitehall, Foxrock, co. Dublin. 

GOLDING, CHARLES, ESQ., Heathcote House, Romford, Essex. 

GRANT, ALEXANDER, ESQ., H. S. King & Co., Division I., Go, 
Oornhill, E.G. 

GRAY, J., ESQ., Netherton House, Govan, Glasgow. 

GKEENWELL, REV. CANON, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham. 

(RUBBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., British Museum. 

*GUEST, EDWIN, ESQ., LL.D., D.C.L., Master of Caius College, Cam- 

HALL, ROBERT, ESQ., Laurel Villa, Carshalton Grove, Sutton, Surrey. 
HAY, MAJOR, H.E.I.C.S., 7, Westminster Chambers, Victoria Street. 
HAYNS, W. E., ESQ., 2, Great George Street, Westminster. 
HEAD, BARCLAY VINCENT, ESQ., British Museum, Secretary. 
HENFREY, HENRY WM., ESQ., Widmore College, Bromley, Kent. 
HEWARD, PETER, ESQ., 2, Charnwood Villa, Caroline Street, 


UOBLYN, RICHARD, ESQ., 2, Sussex Place, Regent's Park. 
HODGKIN, T., ESQ., Benwelldene, Newcastle. 
*HOFFMANN, MONSIEUR H., 33, Quai Voltaire, Paris. 
HOLT, H. FRED. WILLIAM, ESQ., H.B.M. Vice-Consul, Tamsay, Formosa. 
Ho WORTH, H. H., ESQ., Derby House, Eccles, Manchester. 
HUCKIN, EEV. H. R., D.D., Repton, Derbyshire. 
HUNT, J. MORTIMER, ESQ., 150, New Bond Street. 
HYDE, COLONEL, India Office, Westminster, S.W. 

IRELAND, Miss C. C., Sandford Place, Cheltenham. 

JAMES, J. HENRY, ESQ., Kingswood, Watford. 
JONES, JAMES COVE, ESQ., F.S.A., Loxley, Wellesbourne, Warwick. 
JONES, THOMAS, ESQ., Llanerchrugog Hall, Wales ; and 2, Plowden's 
Buildings, Temple. 

KAY, HENRY CASSELLS, ESQ., 11, Durham Villas, Kensington, W. 
KEARY, CHARLES FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., British Museum. 
KENYON, R. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., 11, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
KITCHENER, H. H., ESQ., R.E., R.A. and R.E. Club, care of 

Messrs. Cox & Co., Craig's Court, S.W. 
KIRBY, T. B., ESQ., 28, Lower Hastings Street, Leicester. 


*LAMBEKT, GEORGF, ESQ., F.S.A., 10, Coventry Street. 

LANG, ROBKRT HAMILTON, ESQ., H.B.M. Imperial Ottoman Bank, 


LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Alpha House, Acton. 
LAWRENCE, W. F., ESQ., Lincoln's Inn Chambers, Chancery Lane. 
LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Imperial Ottoman Bank, Smyrna. 
LEATHER, C. J., ESQ., North Grounds Villa, Portsea, Portsmouth. 
LEES, F. J., ESQ., 4, The Crescent, Richmond. 
*LEWIS, REV. SAMUEL SAVAGE, F:S.A., Fellow of Corpus Christi 

College, Cambridge. 

LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 462, New Oxford Street. 
LOEWE, DR. L., M.R.A.S., 1 and 2, Oscar Villas, Broadstairs, Kent. 
LONGSTAFFE, W. HvLTON DYER, ESQ., F.S.A., 4, Catherine Terrace, 


LORD, J., ESQ., 1, Whitehall Gardens. 
LUCAS, JOHN CLAY, ESQ., F.S.A., Lewes, Sussex. 

MACLACHLAN, R. W., 99, Osborue St. [Box 1236], Montreal. 

MADDEN, FREDERIC WILLIAM, ESQ., M.R.A.S., Hilton Lodge, Sude- 
ley Terrace, Brighton. 

MARSDEN, REV. CANON, B.D., Great Oakley Rectory, Harwich, Essex. 

MASON, J. J., ESQ., Maryfield Cottage, Kirkcaldy. 

MAYER, Jos., ESQ., F.S.A., Pennant House, Bebingtoii, by Birkenhead. 

MclNTYRE, F. J., ESQ., 1, Park Street, W. 

and Broke Hall, Suffolk. 

MIDDLETON, JOHN H., ESQ., 4, Storey's Gate, St. James's Park. 

MOORE, GENERAL, Junior U.S. Club. 

MOTT, HENRY, ESQ., Office of Canadian Antiquarian and Numis- 
matic Journal, Montreal. [Box 1176]. 

NECK, J. F., ESQ., 02, St. James Street; and 110, Cannon Street. 
NICHOLSON, K. M., ESQ., Oude Commission. 
*NUNN, JOHN JOSEPH, ESQ., Downham Market. 

PATRICK, ROBERT W. COCHRAN, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot, Beith, Ayrshire. 
PEARCK, SAMUEL SALTER, ESQ., Biiigham's Melcombe, Dorchester. 
PEARSE, COL. G. G., R.A., care of Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 55, 

Parliament Street. 
PEARSON, A. HARFORD, ESQ., 2, Chester Place, Hyde Park Square. 


PEARSON, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., 7, Prince's Street ; and 33A, Fore 

Street, E.G. 

*PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., &c., &c., Spalding, Lincolnshire. 
POLLEXFEN, REV. J. H., M.A., Middletou Tyas, Richmond, Yorkshire. 
POOLE, STANLEY E. LANE, ESQ., Belgrave Mansions, S.W. 
POWNALL, REV. ASSHETON, M.A., P.S.A., South Kil worth, Kugby. 
PRICE, W. LAKE, ESQ., South Cliff, Ramsgate. 
PRIDEATJX, COL. W. F., 43, Conduit Street. 
PRIESTLY, MRS., 17, Hertford Street, Mayfair. 
PULLAN, RICHARD, ESQ., M.R.I.B.A., 15, Clifford's Inn. 

RASHLEIGH, JONATHAN, ESQ., 3, Cumberland Terrace, Regent's Park. 

21, Charles Street, Berkeley Square. 
RIPLEY, JOSEPH B., ESQ., Savannah, U.S. 
*ROBERTSON, J. D., ESQ., 53, Queen's Gate, S.W. 
ROBINSON, T. W. U., ESQ., Houghton-le-Spring, Durham. 
RODGERS, REV. C. J., Principal, Normal College, Umritsur, 

Punjab, India. 

ROGERS, E. T., ESQ., 68, Cornwall Road, Notting Hill. 
ROJAS, M. AURELIO PRADO Y, 273, Calle Chile, Buenos Ayres. 
ROWLAND, G. J., ESQ., 16, Compton Road, Wolverhampton. 

SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247, Florida Street, Buenos Ayres. 
*SANDEMAN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN GLAS, 24, Cambridge Square, 

Hyde Park. 

SAVILE, W. ALBANY, ESQ., London and Westminster Bank, Lothbury. 
SCHINDLER, A. H., ESQ., care of Dr. Rost, India Office. 
SELBORNE, THE RIGHT HON. LORD, F.R.S., Blackmoor, Selborne, 

SHARP, SAMUEL, ESQ., F.S.A., F.G.S., Great Harrowden Hall, near 


SIM, GEORGE, ESQ., F.S. A.Scot., 9, Lauriston Lane, Edinburgh. 
SIMPSON, G. B., ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., Seafield House, Broughty 

Ferry, N.B. 

SIMKISS, THOMAS MARTIN, ESQ., Compton Road, Wolverhamptou. 
SMITH, SAMUEL, ESQ., Wisbeach, Cambridgeshire. 
SMITH, SAMUEL, ESQ., JUN., 25, Croxteth Road, Prince's Park, 



SOAMES, REV. CHARLES, Mildenhall, near Marlborough, Wilts. 
SPENCE, ROBERT, ESQ , 4, Rosella Place, North Shields. 
SPICER, FREDERICK, ESQ., Rose Cottage, Godalmiiig, Surrey. 
*STREATFEILD, REV. GEORGK SIDNEY, Trinity Vicarage, Louth, 


STRICKLAND, MRS. WALTER, 217, Strada San Paolo, Valetta, Malta. 
STUBBS, MAJOR, Lucknow. 
STUDD, E. FAIRFAX, ESQ., Oxton, Exeter. 
SUGDEN, JOHN, ESQ., Dockroyd, near Keighley. 
b\\-AXN, CAPT. J. SACKVILLE, Holyshute, Honiton. 
SWITHENBANK, GEORGE EDWIN, ESQ., Tyncniouth Lodge, Anerley, S.E. 
SYKES, M. C., ESQ., St. Bartholomew's Hospital. 

TALBOT, THE HON. REGINALD, 2, Paper Buildings, Temple. 
*TnoMAS, EDWARD, ESQ., F.R.S., H.E.I.C.S., 47, Victoria Road, Ken- 

TUNMER, H. G., ESQ., 38, Tacket Street, Ipswich. 


Athenaeum Club. 

VERITY, JAMES, ESQ., Earlsheaton, Dewsbury. 
VIRTUE, JAMES SPRENT, ESQ., 294, City Road. 
VIZE, GEORGE HENRY, ESQ., 311, Holloway Road, London. 

WADDINGTON, W. H., ESQ., Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris. 
WAKEFORD, GEORGE, ESQ., Knightrider Street, Maidstone. 
WEBB, HENRY, ESQ., 11, Argyll Street, Regent Street. 
WEBSTER, W., ESQ., 26, Bedford Square. 

*WIGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, Woodlawn, Bickley, Kent. 
WILKINSON, JOHN, ESQ., F.S.A., 13, Wellington Street, Strand. 
WILLETT, ERNEST H., ESQ., F.S.A., 5, Montpellier Crescent, Brighton. 
WILLIAMS, CHARLES, ESQ., Moseley Lodge, near Birmingham. 
*WINGROVE, DRUMMOND BOND, ESQ., 30, Wood Street, Cheapside. 
WINSER, THOMAS B., ESQ., Royal Exchange Assurance, Royal Ex- 

WISE, THOS., ESQ., M.D., Thornton, BeulahHill, Upper Norwood. 
*WooD, SAMUEL, ESQ., F.S.A., St. Mary's Court, Shrewsbury. 


''ORMS, BARON GEORGE DE, F.S.A., 17, Park Crescent, Portland 

Place, Regent's Park. 

WYON, ALFRED BENJAMIN, ESQ., 2, Langham Chambers, Portland 


ADRIAN, DR. J. D., Giessen. 


BARTHLEMY, M. A. DE, 39, Rue d' Amsterdam, Paris. 


BOMPOIS, M. FERDINAND, Marzy, pres Nevers, Nievre, France. 



CHALON, M. RENIER, 113, Rue du Trone, Brussels. 
COHEN, M. HENRI, 46, Rue de la Tour d'Auvergne, Paris. 
COLSON, DR. ALEXANDRE, Noyon (Oise), France. 

DORN, DR. BERNHARD, Actuel Conseiller d'fetat, St. Petersburg. 
FRIEDLAENUER, DR. J., K. Museen, Berlin. 

GONZALES, CAV. CARLO, Palazzo Ricasoli, Via delle Terme, Florence. 
GROTE, DR. H., Hanover. 
GUIOTH, M. LtoN, Liege. 

HART, A. WELLINGTON, ESQ., 16, Ex Place, New York. 
HEISS, M. ALOISS, 48, Rue Charles-Laffitte, Neuilly, Seine. 
HILDEBRAND, M. EMiL BROR, Direct, du Musee d'Antiquites et du 

Cab. des Me"dailles, Stockholm. 
HOLMBOE, PROF., Direct, du Cab. des Medailles, Christiania. 

IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland. 

KENNER, DR. F., K. K. Museum, Vienna. 

KOSHNE, M. LE BARON DE, Actuel Conseiller d'fitat et Conseiller du 
Musee de 1'Ermitage Imperiale, St. Petersburg. 


LEEMANS, DR. CONRAD, Direct, du Musee d'Antiquites, Leyden. 
LEITZMANN, II ERR PASTOR J., Weissensee, Tliiiringen, Saxony. 
LENORMANT, F., 10, Hue Taranne, Paris. 
LONGI^RIER, M. ADRIEN DE, 50, Rue de Londres, Paris. 



MULLER, DR. L., Insp. du Cah. des Medailles, Copenhagen. 

SALLET, DR. ALFRED VON, K. Museeu, Berlin. 

SAULCY, Al. F. DE, Membre de PInstitut, 54, Faubourg St. Honore, 


SAUSSAYE, M. DE LA, 34, Rue de l'Universit6, Paris. 
Six, M. J. P., Amsterdam. 

SMITH, DR. AQUILLA, M.R.I.A., 121, Baggot Street, Dublin. 
SMITH, C. ROACH, ESQ., F.S.A., Temple Place, Strood, Kent. 
STICKEL, PROFESSOR DR. J. G., Jena, Germany. 


WITTE, M. LE BARON DE, 5, Rue Fortin, Faubourg St. Honore, Paris. 






(?) 315887. 

THE invention of the diadem is mythically attributed to 
Bacchus. 1 It was a white band or fillet tied round the 
temples or the head, with the loose ends hanging down 
behind, 2 and was of Eastern origin. Alexander the Great 
(B.C. 336 323) is said to have first adopted this head-dress 
from the Persians, 3 and it may be seen at a later date 

1 "Instituit Liber Pater diad&na." Plin., "Nat. 

Hist.," lib. vii. cap. 56. 

2 Hence Tacitus speaks of the white foam of the Euphrates 
upon the surface curling into circles in the form of a diadem 
" albentibus spumis in modum diadematis sinuare orbes." 
" Ann.," vi. 87. 

3 Justin, xii. 8. The Persian head-dress bore the name of 
kitaris or kidaris, and was a tall, stiff cap, slightly swelling as 
it ascended. Round it, near the bottom, was a fillet the 
diadem, proper which was blue, spotted with white (Curt., 
" Hist. Alex.," iii. 3 ; Xen., " Cyrop.," viii. 3, 13 ; Dion. Cass. 
xxxvi. 35 ; Rawlinson, " Ancient Monarchies," vol. iii. p. 204). 



on the coins of Hiero II. and his son Gelon 4 (B.C. 275 

When attempts were made to introduce it at Rome, 
they caused great offence. At the feast of the Lupercalia, 
Antony placed a diadem several times on the head of 
Julius Cassar, but he would not accept it, and as often 
sent it away to the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. 5 The 
erection of a statue of Claudius Drusus, showing himself 
as wearing the diadem, was reckoned among the acts of 
delinquency of the family of the Claudii. 6 Caligula was 
strongly inclined to assume the diadem and change the 

This cap with the diadem is represented on some of the Persian 
darics. It was the distinctive mark of Oriental sovereigns 
ro SiaS?7/xa T^S 'Acrias (1 Maccab. xiii. 32 ; cf. Esther i. 11, 
ii. 17 ; Is. Ixii. 3 ; Rev. xii. 3, xiii. 1, xix. 12). 

4 There is no reason for supposing, as some think (Eckhel, 
" Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. i. pp. 251257 ; Leake, " Trans, of 
Roy. Soc. of Literature," 2nd Ser. vol. iii. p. 370) that because 
Hiero II. and his son never wore the diadem, nor any other 
regal insignia, in public, that the head upon these coins is that 
of Hiero I. or Gelon I. (E. H. Bunbury, Smith, " Diet, of 
Biog.," *. v. " Hieron II." ; B. V. Head, " Num. Chron." N.S., 
1874, vol. xiv., p. 61). 

6 " Admotum saepius capiti suo diadema repulerit." Suet., 
11 Jul. Caes.," 79. Once (Suet., op. cit.) a man in the crowd 
put a laurel crown, encircled with a white fillet (" coronamlau- 
ream Candida fascia praligatam "; Sicufy/ua /?aoriA.i/coV . . . <rre- 
0ava> Sa0n;s TreptTreTrAey/xeVov Plut., "Jul. Caes.," 61) on one 
of his statues, which much annoyed him, and the man was sent 
to prison ; but he was never able to quite shake off the idea 
of having wished to affect the title of king, though when so 
saluted by the populace he replied, " I am Caesar not king" 
("Cffisarem se non regem"). The head of Numa Pompilius 
on a silver coin of Cnaeus Pompeius (Cohen, " Med. Imp.," 
No. 8) is adorned with the diadem. Livia and Antoniaare also 
represented with it on some of their coins (Cohen, " Med. 
Imp.," vol. i.) 

6 " Claudius Drusus, statua sibi cum diademate ad Appii 
Forum^posita, Italiam per clientelas occupare tentavit." Suet., 

111*.. 2. 


form of government from Imperial to Regal, but being 
warned attempted to arrogate to himself a divine Majesty. 7 
Titus, on his journey back to Home after the taking of 
Jerusalem, by wearing a diadem at the consecration of 
the bull Apis at Memphis, incurred the suspicion of in- 
tending to rebel against his father, and of claiming for 
himself the government of the East. 8 Elagabalus adopted 
the gemmed diadem, but only wore it in his own house ; 9 
whilst Aurelian is said to have been the first Roman who 
bound a diadem round his head, 10 a custom he probably 
adopted from Zenobia who wore it, 11 but this is not con- 
firmed by his coins. Diocletian introduced the stately 
magnificence of the court of Persia, and assumed the 
diadem, a broad white fillet set with pearls, 12 but did not 
venture to place it on the Imperial coinage, whilst, ac- 
cording to Eusebius, who is speaking of Constantius 
Chlorus, the diadem was a special distinction of the 
Imperial Caesars. 1 * 

7 " Nee multum afuit, quin statim diadema sumeret, speci- 
emque principatus in regni formam converteret. Verum ad- 
monitus, et principum et regum se excessisse fastigium, divinam 
ex eo majestatem asserere sibi ccepit." Suet., " Calig.," 22. 
Ets Kotpavos CO-TOJ, ets /Jao-tAcvs (Horn. "II.," ii. 204) exclaimed 
this /lovapxiKtoTaroT (Dion. Cass., lix. 3 ; F. W. Madden, " Num. 
Chron.," N.S., 1866, vol. vi., p. 273). 

8 Quam suspicionem auxit, postquam Alexandriam petens, in 
consecrando apud Memphim bove Api diadema gestavit." Suet., 
" Tit.," 5. 

9 " Voluit uti et diademate gemmato, quia pulchrior fieret, et 
magis ad feminarura vultum aptus ; quo et usus est domi." 
Lamprid., " Heliogab.," 23. 

10 "Iste primus apud Komanos diadema capiti innexuit, gem- 
misque et aurata omni veste, quod adhuc fere incognitum 
Romania moribus visebatur, usus est a " Aurel. Viet., "Epit.,"35. 

11 Treb. Poll., " xxx. Tyr.," 29; Vopisc., " Aurelian," 28, 
29, 30. 

12 Gibbon, " Rom. Emp.," vol. ii. p. 94. 

13 Kan/crrai/Tioe Trpwros auyouoTos Kal o-e/Jao-ros avrjyopevero, TO 


It was reserved for Constantine I. the Great to un- 
hesitatingly adopt the diadem, as testified by his coins ; 
and, indeed, he is said to have always worn it. 14 

The coins of Constantine I., with the diadem, may be 
divided into two classes : 

(a) Coins with Legend on the obverse t and the head of 
Constantine wearing a diadem composed of laurel inter- 
mingled with gems, some round and some square. 

(b) Coins with no Legend on the obverse, and the head 
wearing (1) a band or fillet encrusted with square gems 
and pearls, and (2) a band or fillet formed of two rows of 
pearls and studded with gems. 15 

61, 62. [British Museum, PL IV. Nos. 1 & 2.] 

T<5 TU>V avroKparopcov Kaio-apwv 
KUI TOUTOOV a7riA.77<a)S TO. 7rpaTa. " Vit. Const.," i. C. 18. 

11 " Habitum regium gemmis et caput exornans perpetuo 
diademate." Aurel. Viet., " Epit.," 141. 

15 Some rare silver medallions struck in commemoration of 
the foundation of Constantinople, 880, having the head of Con- 
stantine with diadem, and on the reverse D. N. CONSTAN- 
TINVS MAX. TRIVMF. AVG. and the genius of the 
city turreted and enthroned, have been published by Dr. Fried- 
laender (" Zeits. f. Num.," vol. iii. p. 125, Berlin, 1875; cf. 
Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 7). Five specimens are known, 
and the exergual letters are M [oneta] CONS[tantinopolitana] 
B., A., S., Z., I., each example having a distinct differential 
letter. The title of D [ominus] N \oster~\ occurs on the coins 
of Diocletian and Maximian Hercules after their abdication. 
It was not adopted by their immediate successors, Galerius 
Maximian, Severus, Maxentius, and Maximinus, but reappears 
on the coinage of the two Licinii. It occurs on a few other 
coins of Constantine, and then appears to have been principally 
employed as the title for the Ccesars, but for what reason is 
unknown. The title is continued by the successors of Constan- 
tine, and eventually completely takes the place of the original 
Iff P[<rotor]. Cf. F. W. Madden, " Num. Chron.," N.S., 1866, 
vol. vi. p. 272, note 71. 


Eckhel has suggested 16 that Constantine adopted the 
diadem, wishing to liken himself to Alexander the Great, 
on whose coins an effigy of a very similar character 
may be seen ; but, according to the authority of St. Am- 
brose, the Empress Helena, at the time when she is sup- 
posed to have discovered at Jerusalem, about the year 
326, the fragment of our Saviour's cross together with 
two of the nails (one of which was used for the bridle of 
his horse, the other for his diadem), sent to her son Con- 
stantine a diadem studded with gems ; 17 moreover, the 

16 " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 80. 

17 " Quaesivit clavos, quibus crucifixus est Dominus, et invenit. 
De uno clavo fraenos fieri prsecepit, de altero diadema intexuit : 
unum ad decorem, alterum ad devotionem vertit. Misit itaque 
filio suo Constantino diadema, yemmis inngnitum, quas pretiosior 
ferro innexas Crucis redemptions divinaa gemma contexeret. 
Habeant hoc etiam principes Christi sibi liberalitate concessum, 
ut ad imitationem Domini dicatur de Imperatore Romano ; 
Posuisti in capite ejus coronam de lapide pretioso." " De obitu 
Theodosii," 47, 48. The words Posuisti in capite, etc., are 
taken from Psalm xx. 4. I have already pointed out that 
the finding of the cross by Helena is open to much doubt 
( VIII. " Coins of Helena and Theodora "), and have alluded to 
the nail on the bridle in another place ( V. " Coins with the Mars 
and Sol Invictus Types," note 31). The diadem supposed to have 
been sent by Helena to Constantine has been identified with the 
iron crown of Lombardy at Monza Cathedral, which is com- 
posed of six plates of gold and within which is an iron band, 
reported to have been made out of the other nail from the cross, 
and hence the name of the " Iron Crown." But in all proba- 
bility the iron band was inserted in the diadem simply for the 
purpose of strengthening it (Rev. E. Venables, Smith, " Diet, 
of Christ. Antiq.," s.v. " Crown"). According to another tra- 
dition, Henry I., the Fowler, of Saxony (921 936), is said to 
have had a lance studded with nails from the true cross, which 
he had succeeded in getting from Rodolph of Burgundy, and 
which was once in the possession of Constantine the Great ; 
but the story is necessarily very doubtful (" Encyc. Metropol.," 
vol. xi. p. 485). 


Senate is said, at some time or other, 18 to have specially 
decreed a diadem to Constantino. 19 

On the coins marked a, as they do not in themselves 
illustrate the Christianity of Constantine, no remarks are 
called for ; but of those marked b, where the head of Con- 
stantine is represented looking upwards towards heaven, 
it may be noted that Eusebius states that " Constantine 
directed his likeness to be stamped on the gold coins of 
the Empire, with the eyes uplifted as if praying to God" 
adding that " this money became current throughout the 
whole Roman world." 20 In addition Constantine had his 
full-length portrait placed over the entrance gates of his 
palaces with the eyes upraised to heaven, and the hands 
outspread as if in prayer. 21 

18 Probably in 815, when he was also decreed the title of 
MAXIMVS (See I. under A.D. 815), as nearly all the coins 
with legend and diadem bear the title of MAX. A silver 
piece with IMP. CONSTANTINVS AVG. is given by 
Cohen (" Med. Imp.," No. 89), but only from Banduri and 
D'Ennery, and the MAX. is absent on some, though not all, 
of the copper corns with the legend GLORIA EXERCITVS 
and the head of Constantine with diadem (Cohen, Nos. 308 
310, 313320). 

19 Tibi Constantine et nuper Senatus signum dedit et paulo 
ante Italia scutum et coronam cuncta aurea dedicarunt .... 
Debetur enim et divinitati simulacrum aurum," etc. ("Anonym. 
Paneg.," viii. 25), quoted by Tillemont (" Constantin," 
note 33), who adds : " Dedicarunt marque qu'il y a faute 
dans dedit, au lieu duquel d'autres lisentDa, et Livineius croit 
qu'il est bon. II est neanmoins encore bien obscur ; car s'il 
veut dire qu'on dedia une statue a Constantin comme a un 
Dieu, ce que la suite semble marquer, 1'expression est fort im- 
propre. Baronius tire de la que le Senat fit dresser une statue 
a Jesus-Christ comme au Dieu de Constantin." 

40 '12 s Iv rots XPVvoLS i/o/xtcr/xao-i TTJV avrov avros ei/cova <S8e 
ypd<j>ca-6a.t SiervTrou, w9 av<a ySAeVeiv So/ceij/ drarera/AeVos vrpos 0ew, 


'P<o/w,cuW Sierpe^e*' oi/coiyxci^s. " Vit. Const.," iv. C. 15. 

!1 Ej/ avrols 8e /JacriAtiois Kara ri^as TrvAas Iv rcus cis TO /u,Te- 


Julian the Apostate, nephew of Constantine, in his 
account of the Emperors before the Gods, 22 evidently 
alludes to his uncle's face as represented on these coins, 
when he says, " Constantine kept himself aloof from the 
gods and stood near the vestibule of the Moon, with whom 
he seemed to be desperately in love, and upon whom he 
kept his eyes firmly fixed," and makes Mercury deride 
him for leading the life of a "female hair- dresser " 
" your style of hair and your face sufficiently prove it " 
and when the sentence is passed that each shall place 
himself under the protection of the god or goddess that 
best pleases him, Constantine, not finding any model of 
himself among the gods, and perceiving Effeminacy 
approach him, attached himself to her, who immediately 
embraced him, and clothed him in the flowered dress of a 
lady and conducted him to Luxury, a statement which 
doubtless alludes to the " vesture embroidered with gold 
and flowers " mentioned by Eusebius. 23 

wpov Ton/ TrpoTrvXwv dvaKi//,ei/ais ei/coo-iv, eorobs opOios eypa^cro, 
avdi fj,tv els ovpavov //,/3Ae7rcoi>, TOJ X^P S't/cTeTa/xevoe v\ofjivov 
o-x^/xart. " Vit. Const.," iv. c. 15. This form of adoration was 
not, however, peculiar to the Christians ; it obtained also 
among the Pagans (" Et duplices tendens ad sidera palmas," 
Virg., <^n.," i. 93; cf. ii. 153, v. 256; eok 'OAV/ATUOIS /cat 
'OAiyATriais Trai'Teo-o-t /cat Tracrais 8etas /cat dptoTepas a.via"xp vrat * 
/xvacrtScoperv /carra TrdVpia, Demosth., " adv. Macart.," 1072 ; 
F. W. Madden, "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1866, vol. vi. p. 201). 
The Rev. J. Wordsworth (Smith, "Diet, of Christ. Biog.," 
vol. i. p. 649) speaks of the coins as " having no traces of the 
hands mentioned by Eusebius," but this author does not men- 
tion the hands in connection with the coins on which the face is 
" stretched out or up towards God" (dvareTa/Aevos TT/DOS eoi>), 
but in connection with the picture, where the hands are said to 
have been " stretched forth" (rob xP 8' e/cTera/xevos) in the 
attitude of prayer. 

" Cajsares." 

33 " Orat. de laud. Const.," c. 5. 


Yet Julian himself did not scruple to assume, at Vienne, 
"a diadem glittering with precious stones ' >24 in place of 
the golden torque (a vilis corona) from the neck of one of 
the standard bearers with which (as Julian would not 
accept his wife's neck or head ribbon, or the trappings of 
the head and breast (phalerce) of a horse) he had been 
crowned in Paris. 25 His successor Jovian was also 
crowned with the diadem?* and it is found on the coins 
of both these emperors, and on those of their suc- 

The diadem may be seen on a rare gold coin of Crispus 
(C&sar in 317), 27 who was killed in 326, which is doubted 
by Cavedoni, 28 but for no good reason ; on a gold and a 
silver coin of Constantine II. (Ccesar in 317), both in the 
British Museum, 29 on gold and silver coins of Constan- 
tius II. ( Caesar in 323), 30 and on silver coins of Constans 
(Ccesar in 333) . 31 As regards the coin of Crispus, it may 
be observed that it might have been struck after his death, 
as it is certain that another gold piece with the exergual 
letters CONS. 32 could not have been issued before the 
dedication of Constantinople in 330. 

24 " Ambitioso diademate utebatur lapidum fulgore distincto." 
Amm. Maroell., xxi. 1. 

25 Amm. Marcell., xx. 4. It was against his will that he was 
first declared Augustus at Paris cTre'fleo-ai/ ai>v fita TO 8ia%xa 
rri Kc<f>a\r). Zosim., iii. 9, 4. 

26 Kat TO Sia8?7/Aa Trepitfe/uevos. Zosim. iii. 30. 

27 F. W. Madden, "Blacas Collection," "Num. Chron.," 
N.S., 1868, vol. viii. p. 38 ; Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 2. 

28 " Ricerche," p. 24. 

29 Cohen, " He'd. Imp.," Nos. 19, 20 ; cf. " Suppl.," No. 2. 

30 Cohen, " He'd Imp.," Nos. 56, 57. 
S1 Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 31. 

32 Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 8, from " Ancien Cat. du Cab. 
des Medailles." 



The origin of the nimbus is attributed to the Egyptians, 
from whom it passed to the Greeks and Romans. 33 Cave- 
doni thinks 34 that it was assumed by Constantino in imi- 
tation of the " face of Moses which shone " (Ex. xxxiv. 29 ; 
cf. 2 Cor. iii. 7), to whom he is compared by Eusebius, 35 
but whether this be the case or not, some of the heads of 
the Roman emperors earlier than the time of Constantino 
are decorated with this symbol, notably Claudius, Trajan, 36 

33 Buonarruoti, " Vetri," p. 60, 4to, Firenze, 1716 ; Didron, 
" Christian Iconography," p. 146, ed. Bohn, 1851 ; Martigny, 
"Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," s. v. "Nimbus." According to 
Didron (op. cit. t p. 25, 26) the Latin word nimbus agrees with 
the Greek word vt0as, "snow," "shower," "raindrop," etc., 
and that it is derived from it. There also appears to be some 
analogy between nubes (Gr. ve0os, Lat. nebula) and nimbus from 
the root nub, nubo, " to veil." Isidore of Seville describes 
the nimbus as a transverse bandeau of gold sewn on the veil, 
and worn by women on their forehead (" Nimbus est fasciola 
trans versa ex auro, assuta linteo, quod est in fronte feminarum," 
" Orig.," xix. c. 31), but Didron gives apparently satisfactory 
reason for showing that the nimbus is not properly applicable to 
any peculiar ornament of the head, and further suggests that 
the word nimbata, as occurring in Plautus (" Poenulus," i. 2, 
135), usually interpreted "light," " frivolous," or " trifling," is 
well rendered by " radiant," so that the line " Quam magis 
aspecto, tarn magis est nimbata " should be rendered, " The 
more I look at her, the more radiant (or beautiful) she appears." 

31 " Kicerche," p. 23, note 20. 

35 " Vit. Const.," i. c. 12. 

36 Ludolf Stephanus, "Nimbus und Strahlenkranz in den 
Werken der Alten Kunst," 4to, St. Petersburg, 1859 ; Sabatier, 
" Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 32. Didron (" Christ. Icon.," pp. 147, 
148), who notes that Trajan is sculptured on the arch of Con- 
stantine in three places with a " circle of luminous gold," adds 
that Pliny writes, " Trajan deserved, but Caligula usurped the 
nimbus," but I have been unable to verify the passage. On 



and Antoninus Pius, 37 so that it would be difficult to 
affirm that the presence of the nimbus gives direct proof 
of the Christianity of Constantino, though it was douht- 
less adopted in this sense. 

63. Obv. CONSTANTINVS P. F. AVG. Three quarter 
bust of Constantine I. with nimbus to the left, 
with imperial mantle, holding a globe with a 
Victory and a book. 

Jfop. GAVDIVM RpMANORVM. Trophy com 
posed of a cuirass, shields, spears, &c., at the 
foot of which are seated two captives. In the 
exergue FRANC. ET ALAM. TR. (Francia 

et Alamannia, Treviris.) N. 

(Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 62, Morell, 

This curious piece, as we learn from Morell, was for- 
merly in the collection of the Count of Schwarzburg. 
Other specimens with the same reverse legend and type 
are known of Constantine L, and perhaps of Crispus and 
Constantine II. 38 In the year 306 Constantine I. waged 
war against the Fraud and AZamanni, and is said to have 
used great cruelty towards them ; and the latter nation 

some gold coins of Trajan struck after his death the phoenix on 
the reverse is represented with the nimbus (Cohen, " Med. 
Imp.," No. 294 ; F. W. Madden, " Num. Chron.," N.S., 1861, 
vol. i. p. 95, PL IV. No. 6 ; Cohen, Suppl.," No. 80). See 
under XIII. " Consecration Coins of Constantine I." 

37 On a large brass coin published and engraved by Oiselius 
("Thes.Num.Antiq.,"p. 371, PI. LXVII, 4to, Amstel., 1677), 
who omits, as also Cohen (" Med. Imp.," No. 559), to notice 
that the nimbus is surrounded with spikes, so that it becomes a 
radiated nimbus (F. W. Madden, " Num. Chron.," N.S., 1868, 
vol. viii. p. 34). 

38 Madden, " Gold Coins of the late Due de Blacas," "Num. 
Chron.," N.S., vol. viii. p. 32; Cohen, "Med. Imp.," " Cris- 
pus," No. 7, cf. " Suppl.," PI. VII., " Constantine II.," No. 26. 


was again subdued in 31 J. The coins with FRANC. ET 
A LAM. were first issued about 308. 

64. Obv. CONSTANTINVS P. F. AVG. Bust of 

Constantino I. with nimbus facing, raising the 
right hand and holding a globe. 

Rev. VICTORIOSO SEMPER. Turreted female 
to the left, presenting a crown to Constantine, 
who is being crowned by Victory : all standing. 
In the exergue S. M. T. (Signata Moneta 
T/iessalonicce.) N. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 143, Autrefoii, 
Cabinet des Medailles.) 

The date of issue of this coin cannot be fixed. It was 
probably struck between 308 and 315. 

65. Obv. CONSTANTINVS P. F. AVG. Bust of 

Constantine I. to the right, laureated, with 
paludamentum, holding a sceptre surmounted by 
an eagle. 


stantine I. with nimbus seated facing on a raised 
throne, holding a book and a globe ; on either 
side one of his sons standing, holding a sceptre. 
In the exergue P. R. (Prima Roma.) M. Med. 

(Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 168.) 

66. Obv. CRISPVS NOB. CAES. Bust of Crispus to 

the left laureated, with the imperial mantle, 
and holding a sceptre surmounted by an eagle. 

Christ seated facing, the right hand raised, and 
a cross in His left, between Constantine I. and 
one of his sons standing laureated and in military 
dress, turning their eyes towards Him. In the 
exergue S. P. (sic). M. Med. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 27, from Mus. 
Sanclem. Num. Sel. iii. p. 182.) 


These coins, according to Cavedoni, 39 were probably 
struck on the occasion of one of the consular processions ; 
that of Crispus on the occasion of his third, in 324. 

With respect to the medallion of Crispus it cannot but 
be regarded with great suspicion as described by Sancle- 
menti. Evidently the XRPVBLICAE (sic) has been 
substituted for REIPVBLICAE, and the cross has been 
inserted instead of the globe. The effigy of Christ, too, is 
quite out of place at this date ; and though there is no 
reason for doubting the existence of such a piece of 
Crispus, the type of this specimen has been altered, and 
was, probably, originally similar to the medallion of 
Constantino I. The exergual letters, too, S. P. (Sanctus 
Petrus!) should certainly be S. R. (Secunda Roma). 


Constantine I. to right with diadem and with 


stantine I. in military dress with nimbus, seated, 
holding a spear ; on each side of him a soldier 
standing with a shield and spear. In the 
exergue CONS. (Constantinopoli.) jf. Med. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 25, Autrefois, 
Cabinet des Medailles.) 


Bust of Constantine II. to right. 

type. In the exergue CONS. (Constantinopoli). 
N. Med. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 7, Ancien Cata- 


Bust of Constantius II. laureated, with the 

39 " Ricerche," p. 28. 


type, though the soldiers are each called by Cohen 
" un de ses fils debout." In the exergue 
CONS. (Constantinopoli). N. Med. 

(Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 86, Autrefois, 
Cabinet des Medailles.) 

This type is not found on the coins of Constans, but of 
this Caesar there is a gold medallion with the same 
legend, and (?) " Constantine L, Constans, and Constan- 
tine II. standing," similar to a piece issued by Constan- 
tius II., and both struck at Thessalonica. 40 

These coins from bearing the mint-mark of Constan- 
tinople cannot have been struck before 330, and probably 
between that date and 333, as the coins of Constans 
made Ccesar in that year are wanting. 


Bust of Fausta to the right. 

Rev. PIETAS AVGVSTAE. Female seated facing 
with nimbus, holding a child in her arms, between 
Felicity standing turning to the right, holding a 
caduceus, and another female standing turning to 
the left ; at her feet, on either side, two genii 
standing, holding a crown. In the exergue 
P. TR. (Prima Treviris.) N.M.ed. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 1, Cabinet des 
Medailles, Paris.) 

Eckhel 41 calls the seated figure " Fausta," and Mionnet 
" Pimpe'ratrice " ; but Cohen thinks that the presence of a 
single child in the place of the usual two seen on the 
coins of Fausta, as also the nimbus, makes it probable 
that the figure is rather that of the Virgin Mary holding 
the infant Jesus. 

40 Cohen, " Med. Imp.," " Constans," No. 13, " Constan- 
tius II.," No. 37. 

41 "Doct. Num. Vet.,'' vol. viii. p. 99. 


This coin proves that the name of Fausta was Maxima 
and not Maximiana, as stated in Smith's " Dictionary of 

A brass medallion of similar legend (Cohen, "Med. 
Imp.," No. 6), represents Fausta holding out her hand to 
her son standing at her side, and holding another in her 

The date of issue of these coins cannot be fixed with 
certainty. Cohen 42 is of opinion that if the coins with 
the legend SALVS REIPVBLICAE really represent 
Fausta holding in her arms her two eldest sons Constan- 
tine II. and Constantius II., they were struck in all pro- 
bability about 317 or 318. 

This date might also suit for the coins with the legend 
PIETAS AVGVSTAE above alluded to; but in the 
case of the brass medallion representing a boy of four or 
five years of age, we must have a representation of the 
eldest son, Constantino II., born about 312, and not in 
316. 43 


Bust of Constantine II. to the right, laureated. 


CAESS. NN. The emperor in military dress 
with nimbus, seated, holding a spear ; on either 
side a soldier standing with a shield and a spear. 
In the exergue CONS. (Comtantinopoli) or. 
S. M. N. (Signata Moneta Nicomedid.) JV. 

(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," No. 2, Ancien Cata- 
logue du Cabinet des Medaillei.) 

This medallion was issued after 330. 

42 " Med. Imp.," vol. vi. p. 182, note 2. 
48 See I., under the year 317, and VII., " Coins of Con- 
stantino I., Constantine II., and Constantius II." 


After the death of Constantino I. his sons continued 
striking coins representing their father with the nimbus 
No. 3 ; Jf. Cohen, No. 34), and they very soon frequently 
adopted it (GLORIA ROMANORVM. N. Med. CON- 
TIO. M. Cohen, No. 228; cf. GLORIA REIPVB- 
LICAE and % N. Med. CONSTANS, Cohen, No. 12, 
Autrefois, Cab. des Medailles), a custom continued under 
their successors, and especially on the splendid gold me- 
dallions of Valens, preserved in the Musde de Vienne 
(Cohen, Nos. 1, 6, 8 and 10). 


1. Obv. No legend. Head of Constantino I. to the right, 

with diadem. 

Rev. CONSTANTINVS AVG. The emperor stand- 
ing holding a sceptre in his right hand, and in 
his left a standard terminating in a pellet, below 
which is the banner, and on it )^ ; in the exergue 
R. P. (Romdprima.) M. Med. 

(Garrucci, " Num. Cost.," 2nd ed., p. 248, 
No. 26, from Caronni, "Mus. Hederv." ii., in 
vignette, parti secunda additio, pp. 1, 8 ; " Rev. 
Num.," 1866, p. 99, No. 26.) 

This medallion is not published by Cohen. Garrucci 
takes the reverse type to represent the statue of Constan- 
tine; but he does not say which statue, or make any 
further observations on this piece. It cannot be said to 
be above suspicion. 


Head of Constantine I. veiled ; behind A. 


Rev. IN HOC SIN. (sic) VIC. Monogram X; above 
a star; in the field S. C- 2E. Med. 

This medallion is engraved in the catalogue of the 
"Pisani Museum/' 44 and is also published by Tode- 
rinus. 45 

In spite, however, of the opinion of these authors, 
Eckhel rejected it as spurious. 46 M. Cohen states 47 that 
it is not a medallion, but a large brass coin. " Comme 
tel," he adds, " c'est une me*daille dont le flan est antique, 
mais qui est totalement refaite ; il parait meme, par la 
forme inegale du flan, qu'on s'est servi d'un grand bronze 
de 1'epoque entre Trajan Dece et Gallien. Mis en vente 
en 1860, lors de la vente du Cabinet Fontana, le Cabinet 
des Medailles Pa acquis pour la faible somme de 26 fr., 
afin de pouvoir prouver la faussete* de cette piece 

The legend HOC SIGNO VICTOR ERIS occurs 
on the second brass of Constantius II. (Cohen, "Md. 
Imp.," No. 250), and of Vetranio (Cohen, Nos. 7 and 8), 
on the second and small brass of Constantius Gallus 
(Cohen, Nos. 45 and 46), and on a gold coin of the same 
Caesar struck at Thessalonica (Cohen, No. 10), to all of 
which I shall allude in their proper place. 

P. F. AVG. Head of Constantino to the right 

44 Albertus Mazzolenus, "In num. serea selectiora max. mod. 
e Mus. Pisano olim Corrario commentarii," fol. 1740, and " In 
num. aerea sel. max. mod. e Mus. Pisano animadversiones," fol. 
1741, PI. LXXXI. 

44 " De Constantiniana crucis apparitione," p. 60. 

4(5 " Numisma istud adeo multis ex causis est insolens, ut non 
verear propalam adulterinis accensere." " Doct. Num. Vet.," 
vol. viii. p. 84. 

47 "Med. Imp.," vol. vi. p. 119, note 2. 


laureated, and with paludamentum, surrounded 
by the twelve signs of the zodiac. 


DICAVIT, within a laurel wreath. M. 14$. 

The reverse legend of this remarkable piece of the 
contorniate style is taken from the famous inscription on 
the arch of Constantine, dedicated in 315, placed thereon 
to commemorate the defeat of Maxentius (tyrannus) in 
312, and which reads as follows : 48 

P. F. AVGVSTO S. P. Q. R. 






It appears to have been first published by Banduri, 49 
but was condemned by Eckhel though he had not seen 
it. 50 It was at one time in the collection of Sir Andrew 
Fountaine, and from thence passed into that of the Earl 
of Pembroke. The compiler of the "Pembroke Sale 
Catalogue " 51 in a lengthy note vindicated its authenticity, 

48 Orelli, "Inscr.,"No. 1075. See L, A.D. 815. Mr. King 
(" Early Christ. Num." p. 17, note) considers that the arch was 
dedicated in 312, but gives no authority for his assertion. 

49 Vol. ii. pp. 256, 279. 

50 " Qualiscunque dicatur, mihi opus antiquum non videtur." 
" Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 88. 

51 P. 297. 



supposing it to have been " a ticket of admission " issued 
on the occasion of the dedication of the arch of Constan- 
tine, but whether it sold as a genuine piece I am unable 
to say. Cavedoni 52 did not accept it as genuine; and 
Cohen 53 has not admitted it tant il par ait suspect. 

As regards the inscription on the arch, 54 it has been by 
some stated 55 that the words INSTINCTV DIVINI- 
TATIS appear to have been written over the effaced 
words NVTV IOVIS O. M., or perhaps DNS FAVEN- 
TIBVS ; but Garrucci quite sets this question at rest by 
assuring us, 56 from personal inspection, that the marble 
was not lower, in the portion where these words occur, 
than in other parts, nor are the letters themselves con- 
fused, nor are there indeed any traces of letters to be 
seen that could have been previously engraved. 57 

I may add that Constantino himself, in his " Oration 
to the Assembly of the Saints," speaks of his services as 
owing their origin to the inspiration of God, 58 whilst both 
Constantine and Licinius gave thanks to the Deity 

82 " Kicerche," p. 21. " Med. Imp.," vol. vi. p. 582. 

64 The arch of Constantine is adorned with superb reliefs 
relating to the history of Trajan, taken, apparently, from some 
arch or other monument of that emperor, contrasting strangely 
with the ill-executed sculptures belonging to the time of Con- 
stantine himself (T. H. Dyer, Smith, " Diet, of Geog.," vol. ii. 
p. 809). 

65 Guattini, " Monuraenti Antichi di Roma," p. xciv. 1789 ; 
" Roma Descritta," p. 42, 1805; Henzen, "Suppl. ad Orell.," 
vol. iii. p. 113. 

56 "Num. Cost.," 2nd ed. p. 245; "Rev. Num.," 1866, 
p. 96. 

67 The Padre Mozzoni assured Cavedoni (" Ricerche," p. 21, 
note) that the words INSTINCTV DIVINITATIS were 
the original. Cf. De Rossi, " Bullet. d'Arch. Crist.," 1863, Nos. 
7 and 8. 

>8 'E ri7iWae Ocov rrjv dpx*) v ex ov<rai/ &$ v rf^ */>?? avBpa- 
yaOias TOV Qtov OLTLOV etj/cu Sia/Je/Jatowrcu. " Ap. Euseb.," C. 26. 


(Divinitas) and to God (Dem) for the victories that they 
had gained over Maxentius. 59 

On this contorniate the twelve signs of the Zodiac are 
said to occur, a rare symbol on Roman coins. It may be 
seen on the well-known gold coin of Hadrian with the 
legend SAEC. AVR., and the type a male figure stand- 
ing holding in his right hand " a Zodiac," which surrounds 
the whole type, called by Cohen une aureole ovale and 
on a large brass coin of Antoninus Pius, with the type 
of Italia seated on a globe around which is the " Zodiac/' 
which peculiarity is not mentioned by Cohen, and on 
Alexandrian coins of the same Emperor, 61 also on a me- 
dallion of Alexander Severus, 62 and on a rare gold coin of 
Constantine the Great. 63 

4. Obv. CONSTANTINVS P. F. AVG. Head of 
Constantine I. to the left, laureated. 

Rev. VICTORIA MAXVMA written round the 
monogram )j^ placed between A and 00. jy. 

This coin was engraved by Jacobus Biseus, 64 and was 
also illustrated by Joannes Hemelarius, 65 and was accepted 
as genuine by Tanini. 66 

59 See I. under years 312313. Cavedoni (" Ricerche," 
p. 21 note) notices that Constantine is called Divino monitus 
instinctu by his anonymous panegyrist (viii. c. 11), and by 
Nazarius (" Paneg.," ix. c. 17 ; cf. 12, 13) as governing Divino 

60 " Med. Imp.," No. 471. See XIH. note 120. 

61 Eckhel, " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. iv. p. 70. 

62 Eckhel, "Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. ii. p. 40. 

63 See F. W. Madden, " Num. Chron.," N.S., 1862, vol. ii. 
p. 48, for further remarks on this question. 

6i Nuniismata aurea," PI. LI., 4to, Antwerp, 1615. 
65 " Imp. Rom. Num. aurea," Antwerp, 1627. 
86 " Suppl. ad Bandar.," p. 265. 


On these authorities Garrucci published it, 67 quoting in 
its support a description by Vettori, in a MS. catalogue 
of the Christian Museum of the Vatican, of a small brass 
coin of similar type, 68 and he is still disposed to consider 
it as genuine. 69 

But Eckhel 70 placed the two authors, Biaeus and 
Hemelarius, as describers of coins in whom nulla plane 
habenda Jides, an opinion which has been also taken by 
Cavedoni. 71 

The coin has however been accepted as genuine by 
other modern writers in support of theories connected 
with Christian Antiquities ; 72 but I must confess that in 
the absence of further proof I am quite disposed to con- 
sider it a forgery. It is not published by Cohen. 

A coin of Constantino I. with the monogram % on the 
helmet, and another with ^ trace en creux on a pedestal 
supporting a shield on which are the letters VOT. PR., 
originally published by Garrucci, 73 are now rejected by 
him as false; 74 and he adds, in the case of the latter 

~ 7 " Num. Cost.," 1st ed., No. 65. 

68 " Nummus ex aere parvi moduli in quo Constantini caput 
et litterse partim deperditse. In aversa parte monogram ma 
Christi decussatum litteris utrinque A et CD et litteras in gyro 
cletritae." Cf. Garrucci, " Num. Cost.," 1st ed.,No. 66. This 
coin, in the opinion of Cavedoni (" Appendice," p. 5), is a 
worn-out example of the well-known piece of Constantius II. 
with the legend SALVS AVG. NOSTRI effaced from around 
the monogram ^ placed between the letters A and 00 (Cohen, 
" Med. Imp.," No. 260). 

69 "Num. Cost.," 2nd ed. p. 258; "Rev. Num.," 1866, 
p. 109. 

70 " Doct. Nam. Vet.," vol. vi., Prafatio, pp. xiii. and viii. 

71 " Appendice," p. 5. 

72 Martigny, "Diet, des Antiq. Chretiennes," p. 458; Rev. 
R. St. John Tyrwhitt, Smith, " Diet, of Christ. Antiq.," s. v. A 
and H. 73 "Num. Cost.," 1st ed., Nos. 13 and 16. 

74 "Num. Cost.," 2nd ed., p. 253; "Rev. Num.," 186C. 
p. 110. 


coin, that he has seen another specimen on which the 
pedestal bears the monogram *f grave en creux in the 
same manner and probably by the same hand. 

To the coin which has been supposed to refer to the 
" baptism " of Constantine I. I have already referred. 75 

To these may be added the false or uncertain coin of 
Constantine II. Caesar. 

of Constantine II. with diadem. 

^.VICTORIA AVGG. Seated female figure 
holding a sceptre in the left hand and a Victory 
in the right ; in front of her in the field "J" ; in 
the exergue TR. S. (Tr evens secunda). 

This piece was published together with another of 
silver by Garrucci 76 from Tristan, 77 as a gold coin, but 
Cavedoni 78 has shown that it was really described by this 
author as a silver one, whilst the other was of brass. The 
AVGG. has been supposed by Garrucci to refer to Lici- 
nius and Constantine, and to have been issued anterior to 
323, perhaps being struck in 316 (?). 

The fact is that in all probability the coin has been 
confounded with the pieces of Constantine III. (407 411) 
which have the legend VICTORIA AAAVGGGG.,and 
which were attributed by Banduri to Constantine II. 79 
Garrucci, however, in his second edition 80 still speaks of 
it as an aureus, though he does not place it in his cata- 
logue, "in order to give no occasion for new disputes." 

75 I. under the year 837, note 113. 

76 "Num. Cost.," 1st ed., No. 10. 

77 Vol. iii. p. 594. 78 " Appendice," p. 4. 

79 Cf. Eckhel, " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 108, 177; 
Cavedoni, "Appendice," p. 4. 

80 "Num. Cost.," 2nd ed., p. 253; "Rev. Num.," 1866, 
p. 108. 


He also states that the legend VICTORIA AVGG. is 

enumerated among the types of the coins of Constan- 
tine II. by Mezzabarba, 81 who gives the same legend as 
occurring on those of Nepotian. Every numismatist, 
however, knows the value of the work of Mediobarbus, 82 
and no such coins, either of Constantine II. or Nepotian, 
are described by Cohen. The legend VICTORIA 
AVGG. may be found on the brass coins of Constan- 
tius II. and Constans, but with a different type. 83 

In these circumstances I consider that the coin is either 
a forgery, or that it has been confounded with the coins 
of Constantine III., and then wrongly attributed. 



337. Constantius II., Emperor in the East, gives Illyricum 
to his brother Constans. 

338. The sons of Constantine meet in Pannonia. 

340. War between Constantine II. and Constans. The 
former is killed, 84 and the East falls to the lot of Con- 
stantius II., and Constans becomes sole master of the 

341. Arian synod of Antioch, at which Constantius II. was 

81 P. 477, ed. Argelati. Mediolan., fol. 1730. 

82 Cf. Eckhel, "Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. vi., Prafatio, pp. iv. 

83 XX. " Coins of Constantius II. and Constans. A. First 
Series after the Death of Constantine II." 

84 The statement of Philostorgius (" Hist. Eccles.," iii. c. 1) 
that Constans plotted against the life of his brother, or that 
Constantine II. was poisoned by his brother at Nicomedia (ii. 
c. 16), cannot be accepted as true (cf. Socrat., "Hist. Eccles.," 
ii. c. 5; Sozornen, "Hist. Eccles.," iii. c. 2; Theod., "Hist. 
Eccles.," ii. c. 4). 



Synod of Sardica. 347. 

Constans killed by Magnentius, who also kills Nepotian 350. 
after a short reign of twenty-eight days, and makes him- 
self master of the whole of the Western Empire except 
Illyricum, which is conquered by Vetranio. 

Constantius II. sends his nephew Constantius Gallus 351. 
to govern Thrace and Egypt as Caesar. He deprives 
Vetranio of the purple, and defeats Magnentius at the 
battle of Mursa, conquering Illyricum and Italy. 

Constantius II. drives Magnentius into Gaul. 352. 

Defeat and death of Magnentius by his own hand. His 353. 
brother Decentius also commits suicide. 

Marriage of Constantius II. and Eusebia. 

Constantius Gallus put to death. 354. 

Julian the Apostate made Casar, receiving the govern- 355. 
ment of Britain, Gaul, Spain, and Mauretania Tingitana. 

Visit of Constantius II. to Rome. 857. 

Julian proclaimed Augustus at Paris. Death of his 360. 
wife Helena. 

"War between Julian and Constantius II. Death of 861. 
the latter at Mopsucrene, near Tarsus. Julian sole 

Death of Julian. 363. 



Obv. CONSTANTINVS AVG. Bust of Constan- 
tine II. to right, with diadem and with paluda- 
mentum and cuirass. 

85 For the classification of this section I have to record my 
acknowledgment of the labours of the late Mr. de Salis, whose 
admirable arrangement of the Roman coins in the British 
Museum enables the numismatist to at once find all the coins 


Rev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Two soldiers stand- 
ing holding spear and shield ; between them the 
labarum, on which K|H ; in the exergue TR. P. 
(Treveris prima). M. 

(British Museum, PI. IV. No. 3.) 

of Constantius II. to right, laureated, with 
cuirass, or with palndamentum and cuirass. 

Aw. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

labarum HM ; in the exergue TR. P. (Treveris 
prima) or TR. S. (Treveris secunda). 2Ei. 

(British Museum.) 

Obv. FL. IVL. CONSTANS AVG. Bust of Con- 
stans to right, laureated, with paludamentum and 

Rev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

labarum H{-I ; in the exergue TR. S. M. 

(British Museum.) 


I have not seen any coin of Constantine II. of this 
series, but it doubtless exists. That attributed to it by 
the late Mr. de Salis I have restored to Constantine I. 86 

of the sons of Constantine when Auyusti which bear Christian 
emblems. The advantage of his system, i.e. that of arranging 
coins under the mints in which they were issued, could not 
have better testimony. It would have been a work of con- 
siderable time under the old system of arrangement to have 
succeeded in finding the coins searched for. It is at present 
an impossibility from published catalogues, such as that of M. 
Cohen, to properly classify any portion of the Roman series 
alter the introduction of mint marks (see my INTRODUCTION, 
note 19). Mr. Grueber also deserves my best thanks for send- 
ing me a catalogue of the coins included in this section. 
M See XII., " Coins of Constantine I., &c." 

Constantius II. to right, laureate*}, with paluda- 
mentum and cuirass. 

Rev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 
1'ilmrum < ; in the exergue S. CON. (Sect.nda 
Constantino, [Aries]). JE. 

(British Museum. PL IV. No. 4.) 

Mi;. IMP. CONSTANS AVG. Bust of Constans 
to right, with diadem and with paludamentwm 

and cuirass. 

AW.-GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

lalmmin ^ ; in the exergue S. CONST. ^E. 

(British Museum.) 


Constantine II. to right, with diadem and with 
paludameutum and cuirass. 

Aw. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 
labarum ^ ; in the exergue 6. SISw (5 Siscid). 


(British Museum, PI. IV. No. 5. Other ex- 
amples have in the exergue A. SIS., A. SIS^., 
SIS-; etc. Similar coins also bearing the title 
MAX,, were issued at Lyons P. LG., S. LG., 

British Museum, PI. IV. No. 6. They are. 
erroneously attributed by M. Feuardent, " Rev. 
Num.," 1856, p. 253, PI. VII. No. 2, to Con- 
stantine I. the Great.) 

Constantine II. to right, with diadem and with 
paludamentum and cuirass. 

Bev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

labarum % ; in the exergue S. LG. (Secunda 

Luffduno).*" M. 

87 On a coin of Constantine II., in the British Museum, struck 
at Lugdunurn, there is on the labarum the letter S. Letters 


(British Museum. A similar coin occurs at 
Aquileia AQ. S., but the obverse legend is 

Obv. CONSTANTIVS P. F. AVG. Bust of Con 
stantius II. to right, with diadem and with palu- 
damentum and cuirass. 

^.-GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

In/ntnnn "% ; in the exergue A. SIS. or B. 

sis c ; r. sis, r. sis^. M. 

(British Museum. Other examples were struck 
at Lyons P. LG., S. LG., and at Aquileia 
AQ. P., AQ. S. The letters P. F. are 
omitted on those of the former mint, and D. N. 
are added on those of the latter. On similar 
coins struck at Aries S. CONST., the obverse 

Obv. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of Constans 
to right, with diadem and with paludamentum 
and cuirass. 

Jkv.-GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

labarum ^ ; in the exergue A. SIS. or B. 

sis., r. sis., e. sis., etc. M.** 

(British Museum. Similar coins were issued 
at Lyons P. LG., S. LG-, and Aquileia AQ. 
P., ACJ. S.; on the former the letters P. F. 
are omitted.) 

No coins of this series with either % or X were issued 
at Rome, Tkessalonica, Constantinople, Cyzicus, Nicomedia, 
Antioch, or Alexandria. 

The rare little coin of Constantino II., Augustus with 

on the labarum of the coins of Constantius II. and Constans 
were probably struck soon after the death of Constantine II. 
See note 90. 

88 Cohen publishes coins of this type of Constantius II., with 
the obverse legend CONSTANTIVS MAX. AVG., from 
the collection of M. Asselin (" Suppl.," No. 16), and of Con- 
stans, with the legend CONSTANS MAX. AVG., from the 
Musee de Danemarc (" Med. Imp.," No. 135), but no exergual 
letters are given. See I. under the year 315, noie 72. 


the legend SPES PVBLICA, I have already described 
in a previous section. 89 


Obv. CpNSTANTIVS AVG. Bust of Constan- 
tius II. to right, with diadem and with cuirass. 

Kev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 

labarum % ; in the exergue P. LG- (Prima 
Lugdund). ^E. 

(British Museum, PL IV. No. 7.) 

Obv. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of Constans 
to right with diadem, and with paludamentum 
and cuirass. 

Rev. GLORIA EXERCITVS. Same type. On the 
labarum ) ; in the exergue P. LG. 90 M. 

(British Museum.) 
Obv. Same type. 

Rev. Same type. On the labarum X ; in the exergue 
P . A R L . (Prima Arelato). M . 

89 X., " Coins of Constantine I. and II." 

90 On some of the coins of Constans and Constantius II. of 
this type, the labarum is adorned with the letter M., and 
M. de Witte has suggested (" Eev. Num.," 1857, p. 197) that 
perhaps this is the initial of the Virgin Man;. Mr. King 
(" Early Christ. Num.," p. 43) has on the other hand proposed 
that the letter M is the initial of " Magnentius," who was 
cominander-in-chief of the Jovians and Herculians under Con- 
stans. He adds that the letters C and O are found on the 
coinage of his brothers (?) in the same position, and that, 
perhaps, the names of persons may be discovered who held a 
similar office, and whose name would well take themselves to 
these initials ! But neither of these theories are worthy of 
serious thought. Moreover, how are the letters G., I., T-, or 
Y-, which are similarly placed on the coins of Constans (Cohen, 
" Med. Imp.," No. 141) and Constantius II. (Cohen, Nos. 240, 
242, 243) to be explained ? 


(Brilish Museum, PI. IV. No. 8. A similar 
coin was issued at Antioch S. M. ANT. but 
the obverse legend is D. N- CONSTANS 
P. F. AVG.) 

Obv. CONSTANTIVS P. F. AVG. Bust of Con- 
stantius II. to right with diadem, and with 
paludamentum and cuirass. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVGG. Victory walking to left 
holding wreath and palm, or two wreaths, in the 
field, either to right or left ) ; in the exergue 

etc. M. 

(British Museum. Cf. Cohen, " Med. Imp.," 
No. 267.) 

Obv. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of Constans 
to right with diadem, and with paludamentum 
and cuirass. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVGG. Same type. In the field 
either to right or left % ; in the exergue ^|(- 
B. SIS.)K; or^r. SIS.*. M. 

(British Museum. Cf. Cohen, " Med. Imp.," 
Nos. 158, 159.) 

No coins of this series with either ^ or X were issued 
at Trtves, Rome, Aquileia, Thessalonica, Constantinople, 
Cyzicus, Nicomedia, or Alexandria. 

IN 340. 

Constantius II. to right, laurcated, and with /;//<- 
dntncntum and cuirass. 

Her. PAX AVGVSTORVM. Constantius II. stand- 
ing holding lub'.trnm, on which ; in the exergue 
TR. S. (Trcrcris wcinida). At, 

(British Museum, PI. IV., No. 9. Cf. Cohen, 
"M'd. Imp.," No. 94.) 



Bust of Constantius II. to right, with diadem, 
and with paludamentum and cuirass. 

Rev. VIRTVS DD. NN. AVGG. Constantius II. 
standing, holding labantm, on which % ; in the 
exergue TR. (Treveris). M. 

(British Museum. Not published by Cohen.) 

Obv. FL. IVL. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of 
Constans to right with diadem, and with paluda- 
mentum and cuirass. 

Rev. VIRTVS DD. NN. AVGG. Constans standing 
holding labarum, on which ^ ; in the exergue 
TR. JR. 

(British Museum, PI. IV. No. 10. Not pub- 
lished by Cohen.) 

These three coins appear to have been issued only at 


Bust of Constantius II. to right, with diadem, 
and with paludamentum and cuirass. 

Ret\ FEL. TEMP. REPARATIO. Emperor hold- 
ing phoenix and labarum, on which )^, standing 
in boat guided by Victory; in exergue TR. 
P. orTR.S. m. 

(British Museum, PI. IV. No. 11.) 

Obv. D. N. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of 
Constans to right, with diadem and with palu- 
damentum and cuirass. 

Rev. FEL. TEMP. REPARATIO. Same type. 2E. 
(British Museum.) 

This type was issued also at Lyons, Aries, Rome, 
Aquileia, Siscia, Thessalonica, and Antioch (with jg or >-f< 
on the I aba mm) y and generally of two sizes, a larger and a 


smaller. On some of the coins there may be seen the 
letter A behind the bust, or in the field of the reverse. 
Sometimes the emperor holds a Victory instead of the 
pho3nix. On a well-preserved specimen of a coin of 
Constans struck at Treves, in the possession of Mr. H. 
W. Henfrey, the monogram on the labarum has the 
form ^. 

of Constantius II. to left, with diadem, and with 
paludamentum and cuirass, and holding a globe ; 
behind N. 

Rev. PEL. TEMP. REPARATIO. Emperor holding 
labarum on which ^ and shield ; before him two 
captives. In the exergue R. P., R. S., R. T., 
R. Q. (Romd,prima, secunda, tertia, quarto). 3&. 

(British Museum.) 

Obv. D. N. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of, 
Constans to left, with diadem, and with palu- 
damentum and cuirass, and holding a globe. 

Rev.^- FEL. TEMP. REPARATIO. Same type. &. 
(British Museum.) 

This type was issued also at Aquileia, Constantinople, 
Cyzicus (with sometimes ^ on the labarum), Nicomedia, 
Antioch (with sometimes ^ on the labarum) , and Alexan- 
dria (with sometimes X on the labarum). For varieties 
of the type, see Cohen, "Med. Imp.," CONSTANTIUS II., 
Nos. 213235; CONSTANS, Nos. 112123. 

With reference to the legend FEL. TEMP. REPA- 
RATIO (Felix Temporis Reparatio), M. Cohen has well 
remarked 91 that "the happy reparation" did not extend 
to the softening of manners, for the types of the coins as 

91 "Med. Imp.," vol. vi. p. 264, m>t<: 


a rule represent scenes of the grossest cruelty. At the 
introduction of Christianity artistic style seems to have 
perished, and the coinage of this and later periods, to 
quote M. Cohen's expression, can be summed up in two 
words, "monotonie dans les types, lorsqu'ils ne sont pas 
barbares, barbarie lorsqu'ils ne sont pas monotones." 


The monogram ^ may be seen represented on the 
shield held by Constantius II., and sometimes on the field 
of the reverse on several gold coins with the legend 
GLORIA REIPVBLICAE (Cohen, "MeU Imp.," Nos. 
79, 80, 85), whilst on another gold coin with the legend 
VICTOR OMNIVM GENTIVM, preserved in the 
Musee de Danemarc (Cohen, No. 108), and struck at 
Treves, the emperor is holding the labarum ; as also on 
a silver coin struck at Aquileia, with the legend 
(Cohen, No. 39). 

It is under Constantius II. that the brass coins with 
the legend HOC SIGNO VICTOR ERIS are first 
issued 92 (Cohen, No. 250), on which the emperor is 

93 See I. note 35 ; and XVIII., " False or Uncertain Coins 
of Constantine I. and II." On a marble given by Bosio, the 
monogram ^ is surmounted by the legend IN HOC VINCES, 
and underneath it SINFONIA ET FILIIS, " ce qui, par allu- 
sion a la vision de 1'Empereur, exprime," says Martigny (" Diet, 
des Antiq. Chret.," p. 417), " certainement la victoire que 
SINFONIA et ses fils avaient remportee par la vertu du nom 
de Jesus-Christ, ou peut-etre une exhortation aux chretiens de 
se prevaloir de ce nom sacre pour triompher des ennemis de 
leur salut." 


represented holding the labarum and a sceptre, and 
crowned by Victory. (British Museum, PL IV. No. 12.) 

A splendid gold medallion of Constans, formerly in the 
Cabinet des Medailles at Paris (Cohen, No. 12), struck at 
Siscia, represents on the obverse Constans with the 
cuirass ornamented with the >^, and on the reverse the 
>^ between the heads of Constans and Constantius II. 
seated, 93 whilst on his silver medallions struck at Siscia 
and Aquileia (Cohen, No. 16), with the legend TRI- 
on a gold coin in the British Museum, with, on the 
obverse, CONSTANS MAX. AVG., and on the reverse 
SPES REIPVBLICAE, struck at Siscia (Cohen, No. 52), 
the emperor is standing holding the labarum, whilst on 
some brass coins with the legend VICTORIA AVGG. 
(Cohen, Nos. 158, 159) there is in the field . 

The most important innovation of this period was the 
introduction of the letters A and 00. I have already 
pointed out w that the coin of Constantino I. with these 
letters cannot be relied on, and I have now further to 
state that many numismatists and others 95 have accepted 
a gold coin of Constantius II. with these letters, which 
they have described as follows : 

O^.-CONSTANTIVS P. F. AVG. Bust of Con 
stantius II. to the left, radiated. 

Rev. A % 00 in the middle of the field. N. 

The fact is the reverse legend was really originally 

93 See XVII., " Coins of Constantine I. with the nimbus." 

94 XVIII., " False or Uncertain Coins of Constantine I." 

95 Garrucci, " Num. Cost.," 1st ed., No. 64; followed 
by Martigny, " Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," p. 458, who is again 
copied by the Rev. K. St. John Tyrwhitt, in Smith's " Diet, 
of Christ. Aiitiq.," a. c. A and fl. 


described by Banduri 96 as A % Q., and so it is given by 
Mionnet, 97 and by Cohen 98 from Caylus. 

I must however be allowed, with Cavedoni," to doubt 
the authenticity of this piece. 

These letters do, however, occur upon the second brass 
coins of Constantius II. struck about (?) 350 353 : 

Obv. D. N. CONSTANTIVS P. F. AVG. Bust of 
Constantius II. to the right, with diadem, and 
with paludamentum and cuirass ; sometimes 
behind the head A. 

Jfoi>. SALVS AVG. NOSTRI. In the field 

between A and CO. In the exergue TR. S. ^. 


(British Museum, PL IV. No. 13. Cohen, 
"M6d. Imp.," No. 260.) 

The letters A and CD may also be found on a rare 
silver medallion of Constans : 

Obv.D. N. CONSTANS P. F. AVG. Bust of 

Constans with diadem. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVM (sic). Four military 
standards ; on the second the letter A, and on 
the third QJ ; above % ; in the exergue R . 
(Roma). M. Med. 

(Eckhel, "Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. vi. p. 112; 
Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 28, from the Musee de 
Vienne. ) 

Cavedoni has suggested 100 that Constans, in striking 
this medallion at Rome, wished to testify his adherence 
to the Catholic dogma of the divinity and eternity of the 

96 Vol. ii. p. 227. 

97 "Med. Rom.," vol. ii. p. 272. 

98 " Med. Imp.," No. 154. 

99 " Appendice," p. 5. 

100 " Appendice," p. 15. 



Incarnate Word in opposition to the Arian heresy favoured 
by his brother Constantius II. It may indeed have been 
struck soon after the council of Sardica, in 347, when 
Constans sent two of the bishops who had attended the 
Council with letters to his brother requesting him to 
attend to all that the bishops might say, and threatening 
him with war if he did not, to which Constantius, who 
was at Antioch, agreed. 101 

Though these are the earliest examples of the A and CO 
on coins, these letters were probably employed before this 
date, 102 perhaps even before the Council of Nice in 325, 
as proved by the tomb of the martyr Heraclius, who 
suffered long before the reign of Constantine, found in 
the cemetery of Priscilla, 103 by an inscription given by 
Fabretti, 104 and by a cup given by Boldetti from the 
cemetery of Callixtus. 105 The Arians carefully avoided 
their use, 106 and it was not till about 347 that it com- 
menced to come into general use in any case on 
coins. 107 

The origin of these letters can of course be traced to 
the words of St. John, "I am Alpha and Omega, the 

101 Socrates, " Hist. Eccles.,"ii. c. 22, 23; Theodoret, "Hist. 
Eccles.," ii. c. 8. 

102 Martigny, "Diet, des Antiq. Chre"t.," P- 42. 

103 Aringhi, vol. i. p. 605, Roina, 16511659. 

104 " Inscr. Ant. Explic.," p. 739, Roma, 1699. 

108 Oss. sopra i cim.," etc., p. 194, PL III. No. 4, Roma, 

06 Giorgi, << De Monogrammate Christi," p. 10, Roma, 1738. 

107 The earliest public monument from a sacred building bear- 
ing the A % CD is that preserved in the Hotel de Ville at Sion, 
in Switzerland, and dated in the year 377, under the consulship 
of Gratian with Merobaudus (Le Blant, " Inscr. Chret. de la 
Gaule," vol. i. p. 496, No. 369 ; Mommsen, " Inscr. Confoeder. 
Helvet. Lat.," p. 3, No. 10 ; Prof. Babington in Smith's " Diet, 
of Christ. Antiq.," vol. i. p. 848). See XV., " Remarks on 
the Forms of the Crosses adopted by Constantine I." 


beginning and the end, the first and the last/' 108 and the 
poet Prudentius, who was born during the reign of Con- 
stantius II. and Constans (348), mentions them as fol- 
lows ;10'J_ 

" Corde natus ex parentis, ante mundi exordium 
Alpha et (jj cognominatus ; ipse fons et clausula 
Omnium, quce sunt, fuerunt, quaeque post futura sunt." 

As to the form QJ instead of ft, the Padre Garrucci ll 
asserts that the ft nowhere occurs on any authentic 
Christian monument, and condemns, as also does De 
Rossi, a ring published by Costadoni on which is a dolphin 
between the letters A and ft. 




of Nepotian to right, with diadem and with 

Jfcy. VRBS ROMA. Rome helmeted, seated to left, 
holding a globe, surmounted with )^ (^) and a 
spear reversed ; at her side a shield ; in the 
exergue R. P. (Roma Prima). N. 

(Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 1, from the Musee 
du Vatican.) 

This coin was minted at Rome, of which city Nepotian 
made himself master in 350. 

108 'Eyo> TO A Kal TO O, 6 Trpoiros KOL 6 
re'Xos. Rev. xxii. 13 ; cf. i. 8, 11 ; xxi. 6. 

109 " Cathemirmon," ix. 10. 

110 " Hagioglypta," p. 168, note. 


Obv.D. N. VETRANIO P. F. AVG. Bust of 
Vetranio to right, laureated, and with paluda- 
mentum and cuirass. 

ing to left, holding the labarum, on which ^ 
and a spear, and crowned by Victory, who is 
following him. In the exergue SIS. (Siscid). N. 

(British Museum, PI. IV. No. 14; Cohen, 
"Med. Imp.," No. 2.) 

On another coin of Vetranio of silver described by 
Cohen (No. 1) from Welzl, the reverse legend is RE- 
STITVTOR REIP., and the type, Vetranio standing 
holding the labarum. 

The legend SALVATOR REIPVBLICAE is new. 
Eckhel writes, 111 " ab eruditis jam est observatum, voca- 
bula salvator, salvare, a Christianorum disciplina, et SS. 
Patribus inventa, pro quo melius Latine dices servator, 

Vetranio also issued brass coins with the legend HOC 
SIGNO VICTOR ERIS (Cohen, "Med. Imp.," Nos. 7 
and 8), as may be found on the coins of Constantius II. 
and of Constantius Gallus, whilst on some others with the 
legend CONCORDIA MILITVM he is represented 
standing holding two labara, and above his head a star 
(Cohen, No. 4). 


Obv. D. N. MAGIMEIMTIVS P. F. AVG. Bust of 
Magnentius to the right, with paludamentum and 

Rev. SALVS DD. IMIM. AVG. ET CAES. written 
round *^. In the exergue A MB. (Ambiano). 


(Cohen, "Med. Imp.," Nos. 42 45.) 

" Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 120. 


The same type occurs upon the coins of his son Decen- 
tius Caesar (Cohen, No. 20). 

The mint of Ambianum (Amiens) was established by 
Magnentius, but was suppressed soon after his death by 
Constantius II. 

Some other brass coins of Magnentius (Cohen, Nos. 47, 
58), and Decentius (Nos. 31 and 39) with the legend 
VICT. DD. NN. AVG. ET CAES., represent two 
Victories holding a crown on which VOT. V. MVLT. X. 
and on the crown the monogram > or -f (?). 


A silver coin of Constantius Gallus, preserved in the 
Musee de Danemarc (Cohen, No. 4), represents this Caesar 
as holding the labarum, whilst another (No. 17) shows a 
star in a crown of laurel surmounted by a cross. The 
legend HOC SIGNO VICTOR ERIS occurs on one of 
his gold coins struck at Thessalonica (No. 10), as also on 
some of his brass (Nos. 45, 46), as we have seen it on the 
coins of Constantius II. and Vetranio. 

Some curious coins of this prince with the Isis reverse 
(Nos. 49, 50) show that he to a certain extent must have 
embraced the Pagan opinions of his brother Julian. 

When Constantius II. made Gallus C&sar in 351, and 
sent him to Antioch to take command of the East, it is 
recorded 112 that as he was entering the city the Saviour's 
sign appeared in the East, and a pillar in the form of a 
cross was seen in the heavens to the astonishment of the 
beholders; 113 and upon the occasion of Constantius's 

112 Socrat., " Hist. Eccles.," ii. c. 28. 

113 Valesius notes that the same is recorded in the Fasti of 
Idatius, after the consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus. 


victory over Magnentius in 353, the sign of the cross is 
said to have appeared to him of immense size and exceed- 
ing the brightness of day. It was noticed by the soldiers 
of both armies, but frightened Magnentius and encouraged 
Constantius. 114 


Immediately on the accession of Julian the Apostate all 
Christian emblems were abolished and Pagan customs 
and worship were re-established. In consequence most 
of the coins of this Emperor bear the images of Apollo, 
Jupiter, the DEVS SANCTVS NILVS, and of many 
Egyptian deities, Anubis, Serapis, Isis, etc., several of 
them representing himself as Serapis, and his wife Helena 
as Isis. 

It is then hardly to be expected that any coin of this 
prince would be in existence bearing Christian signs ; 
and yet there is one a bronze medallion which, if it 
may be trusted, bears marks of Christianity. Its descrip- 
tion is as follows : 

Obv. D. N. CL. IVLIAIMVS N. C. Bust of Julian 
to right, bare, with cuirass. 

Rev.. VIRTVS AVG. N. Julian standing to left 
holding a laurel-branch and a standard, and 

111 Philostorg., " Hist. Eccles.," iii. c. 26, who adds that the 
same sign appeared at Jerusalem about the third hour of the 
day, which is called the Day of Pentecost, and that it stretched 
from Mount Calvary to the Mount of Olives like a rainbow ; a 
story that is given by Sozomen (" Hist. Eccles.," iv. c. 5), under 
the year 848, when Cyril succeeded Maximus in the govern- 
ment of the Church at Jerusalem. Cf. Gibbon, " Rom. Emp.," 
ed. Smith, vol. iii. pp. 66, 67. I may add that Philostorgius 
was a remarkably credulous man, and that his authority is very 
suspicious (Lardner, "Credibility, etc.," vol. iii. p. 598 ; Gibbon, 
" Rom. Emp.," vol. ii. p. 365, note a ; cf. vol. iii. p. 53, 
note 44). 


placing the right foot on the back of a captive 
seated on the ground ; beneath the standard <. 
M. Med. 

(Cohen, " Med. Imp.," No. 51, from Wiczay.) 

I must remark that the description of this piece is 
taken from Wiczay } and the only point in its favour is 
that it shows Julian as bearing the title of Caesar. If 
really authentic it must have been struck immediately on 
his appointment to that honour in 355. I cannot, how- 
ever, say that the medallion is above suspicion. 

It is recorded of Julian that directly after he received 
the wound which caused his death, he took some of his 
blood in his hand and threw it up towards heaven, 
crying, "Galilsean, thou hast conquered! " 115 



Jovian sole Emperor. 363. 

Death of Jovian. Yalentinian I. and Valens. The 364. 
former takes the West, including Western Illyricum and 
Africa ; the latter the rest of the European provinces, 
Asia and Egypt. 

Revolt of Procopius in the East. 365. 

Defeat and death of Procopius by order of Yalens. 366. 

Valentinian I. associates his eldest son Gratian as 367. 

Marriage of Gratian with Flavia Maxima Constantia, 374. 
the daughter of Constantius II. 

s, TaXtXate. Theodoret, " Hist. Eccles.," iii. c. 
25. Philostorgius (" Hist. Eccles.," vii. c. 15) says that Julian 
sprinkled his blood towards the Sun, and cursed his gods, 
exclaiming, "take thy fill." Cf. Sozomen, "Hist. Eccles.," 
vi. c. 2. 



375. Death of Valentinian I., and partition of the West 
between his two sons. Gratian takes the provinces which 
formed the government of Julian the Apostate, i.e. 
Britain, Gaul, Spain, and Mauretania Tingitana ; Valen- 
tinian II. Italy, Rhaetia, Africa, and Illyricum. 

378. Defeat of Valens by the Goths and his death. 

379. Elevation of Theodosius. 

383. Gratian killed by Magnus Maximus, who obtains his 

share of the Empire and of Northern Italy. Theodosius 

associates his son Arcadius as Augustus. 
388. Theodosius defeats and kills Magnus Maximus, and 

reinstates Valentinian II., who is now sole Emperor of the 


390. Temple of Serapis destroyed. 
392. Arbogastes murders Valentinian II. and sets up 

Eugenius, who takes possession of the same provinces 

as Magnus Maximus, Theodosius being recognised in the 

rest of the Empire. 
394. Defeat and death of Eugenius. Theodosius, now sole 

Emperor, associates Honorius, his second son, as 

396. Death of Theodosius and final division of the Eastern 

and Western Empires. Arcadius and Honorius, Emperors 

of the East and West, take respectively the shares of 

Valens and Valentinian I. 


Under Jovian, the successor of Julian the Apostate, in 
spite of a few coins bearing Pagan types with the legend 
VOTA PVBLICA (Cohen, "MeU Imp./' Nos. 2232), 
and which continue to circulate during the reigns of 


Valentinian I., Valens, and Gratian, Christian emblems 
again reappear, and the labarum terminating in a cross 
with the monogram % or the simple labarum occur upon 
the coins (Cohen, Nos. 17, 21). 116 

Under Yalentinian I. the ordinary type is that of the 
Emperor carrying the labarum adorned either with the 
monogram >g [British Museum, PI. V. No. 1], or the 
plain X- The most notable re introduction is that of 
the form -f which is generally carried at the top of the 
sceptre held by the Emperor (Cohen, No. 20), but it 
sometimes occurs in the fald of the coin (Cohen, No. 25). 
Similar emblems occur on the coins during the reigns of 
his brother Valens, of the usurper Procopius, of his son 
Gratian, who issued pieces of all three metals with the 
legend GLORIA NOVI SAECVLI, and Valenti- 
nian II., 117 and of Theodosius I. the Great. 

The coins, both gold and brass, of Aelia Flaccilla, the 
wife of Theodosius I., who was much esteemed for her 
piety, also exhibit interesting Christian emblems (the , 
-f. and tgj), among the most striking of which is the type 
of Victory seated inscribing on a shield the >R (British 
Museum, PI. V. No. 2), a reverse that occurs frequently 

116 Sabatier (" Mon. Byz.," vol. i. pp. 84, 58) speaks of a 
coin of Jovian, on which he carries the globe cruciger, as struck 
at Ravenna (cf. Martigny, " Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," p. 460). 
I have already pointed out ("Num. Chron.," N.S., vol. i. p. 
181, vol. ii. pp. 60, 253 ; " Handbook of Rom. Num.," p. 159) 
that Ravenna was not established as a mint till the reign of 
Honorius. Cf. Cohen, " Med. Imp.," vol. vi. p. 386, note. 

117 In the exergue of some silver coins of Valens (Cohen, 
No. 59), of Gratian (Nos. 41, 42), and of Valentinian II. (No. 
27), may be found T )j^ 6. A quinarius with the helmeted 
bust of Rome or Constantinople, and on the reverse X within 
a wreath, and in the exergue TR. (Treviris), in the collection 
of M. Espine, is attributed by Cohen (" Suppl.," p. 383) to 
the time of Valentinian II. 



afterwards on the coins of other Empresses, whilst the 
coins of Magnus Maximus, usurper in Britain and Gaul, 
and of his son Victor (BONO REIPVBLICAE NATI) 118 
and of Eugenius, usurper in Gaul, show more or less the 
same symbols. 


After the defeat of Theodosius I. the Empire was 
divided between his two sons Arcadius and Honor ius, 119 

118 After Theodosius had defeated Maximus, and after his 
arrival in Rome, "a new and strange star" is said to have 
been seen in the sky, according to the statement of Pm'los- 
torgius (" Hist. Eccles.," x. c. 9 ; cf. xi. c. 7), who gives many 
wonderful details about it ; but both Socrates (" Hist. Eccles.," 
v. c. 14) and Sozomen (" Hist. Eccles.," vii. c. 15) are silent 
on this point. The statement, however, is of no authority. 
Cf. XXII., note 114. 

119 The late Abbe Cavedoni has published ("Rev. Num.," 
1857, p. 309, PL VIII.) some brass medals issued during the 
reign of Honorius, bearing, in most cases, a representation of 
the head of Alexander, but in one case that of Honorius, and 
having on the reverse an ass suckling her young, sometimes 
accompanied by the legend D. N. IHV. (sic) XPS DEI 
FILIVS, or IOVIS FILIVS, or ASINA, or, as on a large 
medallion of the contorniate class, the monogram ^. The 
effigy of Alexander the Great seems to have been considered 
with the idea of " protection," and St. John Chrysostom 
reproached (" Opera," vol. ii. p. 243) certain bad Christians of 
his time for wearing as amulets medals of bronze with the 
head of Alexander the Macedonian (vo^tV/xara ^aX/ca 'AAeavc>pov 
rov MctKeSovos TCUS /ce0aXats /ecu rots 7ro<ri Trepi^eoyxowTan/). 
These medals were, in the opinion of Eckhel (" Doct. Num. 
Vet.," vol. viii. p. 173), symbolic representations made by the 
Christians ; but Tanini appears to have thought that they were 
satirical pieces fabricated by the pagans, to turn into derision 


the former taking the Eastern, the latter the Western 
provinces. CON OB for the Eastern, and CO MOB for 
the Western, became the adopted exergual mint-marks ; the 
latter with the slight distinction of IVI for N, so as to 
resemble CON OB and yet to designate the Western 
mints, and almost always accompanied by letters in the 
field; the former never. 120 

About this time the type of Victory holding a globe 
surmounted by a cross was introduced (Sabatier, ^ Mon. 
Byz." ARCADIUS, vol. i. p. 404; Cohen, "Med. Imp." 
HONORIUS, No. 24), and the Greek Cross may be seen on 
the exagia solidi of Arcadius, Honorius, and Theodosius II. 
(Sab. "Mon. Byz./' PL III. No. 9; Cohen, "MeU Imp.," 
No. 6; British Museum, PL Y. No. 3). 

The coins of the Western Empire will first claim our 

A. The West. A remarkable gold coin of the Emperor 
Honorius, in the collection of Dr. John Evans (PL V. 
No. 4), to which I have in another section alluded, 121 
represents him, crowned by a hand from heaven, holding a 
spear surmounted by -P on the head of an animal which 
appears like a lion with a serpent's or a dragon's tail. 
On certain gold coins of JElia Galla Placidia, wife of 
Constantius III., colleague of Honorius for a few months, 
the >^ or a cross appears on her right shoulder, whilst 
the >f^ is within a wreath on the reverse (cf. Cohen, 
"Me"d. Imp.," Nos. 116; British Museum, PL Y. 

the name of Christian ; whilst Cavedoni is of opinion that "they 
are the works of certain evil Christians, or the Gnostics, or 
Basilidians, who employed these pieces as ' pierres astriferes ' to 
circulate among the people their false and detestable doctrines." 

120 F. W. Madden, " On the Coins of Theodosius I. and II.," 
in the " Num. Chron.," N.S., 1861, vol. i. p. 176. 

121 X., " Coins of Constantino I. and Constantine II." 


No. 5), and the hand from heaven crowning the Empress 
is introduced (Cohen, Nos. 2, 10, 11), as had also been 
the case on the coins of Eudoxia in the East. 

The usurper Priscus Attalus seems to have dropped 
Christian emblems, and Rome having been sacked by 
Alaric who placed him on his throne, he dared to strike 
silver medallions twice the size of a five-shilling piece, 
and gold and silver coins, with the presumptuous legend 
INVICTA ROMA AETERNA (Cohen, Nos. 1, 3 5). 
The usual emblems occur on the coins of John, proclaimed 
Emperor in 423. 

Valentinian III. appears to have been the first to wear 
the cross on his diadem, if the gold medallion is genuine 
(Cohen, No. 1 from Banduri), and holding a cross and a 
globe on which a Victory ; and on others of his coins 
changes the ordinary captive trampled under foot to a 
human-headed serpent m (Cohen, No. 11 ; British Museum, 
PI. Y. No. 6). The type of the Emperor holding the 
mappa or wlumen and a long cross was introduced. 
Gold coins of his sister Justa Grata Honoria have the 
legend BONO REIPVBLICAEandthe usual Christian 
emblems. His wife Licinia Eudoxia also bore the cross 
on her diadem on her coins struck in Italy (Cohen, No. 1 ; 
British Museum, PI. V. No. 7). 

I may here mention that other coins have been attri- 
buted to this Empress by the late Mr. de Salis, 123 having 
on the obverse the legend AEL. EVDOXIA AVG 
(1) The coin with legend IMP. XXXXII. COS. XVII 
P. P. given by Sabatier 124 to Eudoxia, wife of Theodo- 

22 X., " Coins of Constantino I. and Constantine II." 
123 "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1867, vol. vii. p. 203, PI. VII., 
Nos. 10 and 14 ; PI. VIII. No. 1. See under B. The East. 
1:1 "Mon. Pyz.," vol. i. p. 121, No. 7 ; PI. VI. No. 1. 


sitis II.; (2) The coin with VICTORIA AVGG. 

unpublished by Cohen and Sabatier, but mentioned by me 
in my description of the Blacas collection ; 125 and (3) the 
DENTIS (Cab. des Mdd., Paris, PI. Y. No. 8) given by 
Sabatier 126 to Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius. The type of 
this coin is the Jf> surrounded by a circle. Sabatier 
considered that the legend of this rare piece alluded to 
the division of the Empire, and that it might be com- 
pared with the coin of Arcadius with the legend NOVA 
SPES REIPVBLICAE. Mr. de Salis, on the contrary, 
was of opinion that this legend could only apply to 
Eudoxia the younger, and must have been struck on the 
occasion of her marriage with Valentinian III. on the 29th 
of October, 437. Headds, "she was SALVS ORIENTIS 
as well as FELICITAS OCC I DENTIS, because Theo- 
dosius II. had no son, and the Eastern Empire seemed 
likely, as well as the Western, to become the inheritance 
of his elder daughter's issue. FELICITAS OCCIDEN 
TIS on the coins of the elder Eudoxia, would have 
been a silly piece of impertinence to Honorius, who had 
married in 398 Maria, the elder daughter of Stilicho. 
Maria lived till 407, while all the coins of Eudoxia 
the elder must have been issued between 400 and 

The usual types may be found on the coins of Petro- 
nius Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Anthemius (on one of 
whose coins may be seen a tablet surmounted by a cross 
on which is the word PAX Cohen, No. 9) and his wife, 
Euf emia notably the type of the Emperor placing his foot 

129 "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1868, vol. viii. p. 45. 

13fi " Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 110, No. 2 ; PL IV. No. 25. 


upon a human -headed serpent 127 but on the accession of 
Olybrius, he dared to introduce the legend SALVS 
IY1VNDI, engraving on his coins a large cross (British 
Museum, PL V. No. 9), though only enjoying a reign of 
about three months. The coins of Glycerius, Julius 
Nepos, and lastly Romulus Augustus, the last Emperor 
of the Western Empire, offer only the ordinary symbols 
(British Museum, PL V. No. 10). 

B. The East. Under Arcadius, 128 as I have already 
pointed out, the type of Victory holding a globe sur- 
mounted by a cross was introduced. Coins with the 
legend NOVA SPES REIPVBLICAE (British Museum, 
PL V. No. 11), and the type of Victory writing on a 
shield were struck (Sab. No. 17), matching the coins of 
his wife, Eudoxia, with the legend SALVS Rl- 
PVBLICAE sic (British Museum, PL V. No. 12), and 
Victory inscribing on a shield the >fc (Sab., No. 3), a type 
that had already been in vogue at the time of her mother- 
in-law, Flaccilla. The question of the attribution of the 
coins bearing the name of Eudoxia as I have already 
partly shown under A. The West was for a long time 

127 X., " Coins of Constantine I. and Constantine II." 

128 The Padre Garrucci has called my attention to two 
remarkable brass coins of Arcadius, published by the Cav. 
Biraghi in his work entitled, "I tre Sepolcri Santambrogiani," 
p. 27, Milan, 1864, of which the following is a description 
(1) Obv. D. IM. ARCADIVS P. F. AVG. Bust to right; 
above f-. Rev. SPES PVBLICA. Emperor standing; 
above -f ; in field to left XII. and -. (2) Obv.D. IM. 
ARCADIVS P. F. AVG. Bust to right; above A f, UJ. 
Rev. SALVS PVBLICA. Half figure from heaven crown- 
ing the Emperor ; in the field to left Jp ; in the exergue ARP. 
[? TRP.] These coins are not mentioned by Sabatier, and no 
specimens are in the British Museum. They are rather sus- 
picious, and the ARP. cannot mean Aries, these letters as a 
mint-mark ceasing under Constantius II. 


involved in great obscurity till set at rest by the late Mr. 
de Salis, 129 and many coins bearing the name of E V D O X I A 
with the >&, given by Sabatier to the wife of Theo- 
dosius II., are now attributed to the wife of Arcadius. 
Theodosius II. issued coins with the legend GLORIA 
OR VIS (sic) TERRAR., representing himself holding 
the labarum and a globe cruciger, and all the coins with 
the name EVDOCIA (Athenais) belong to the wife of 
this Emperor (British Museum, PL Y. No. 13). 

In 451 Marcian was proclaimed Emperor, owing to 
the influence of Pulcheria, the sister of Theodosius II., 
whom he married, and who was at this time about fifty 
years of age. A gold coin was struck by Marcian to 
commemorate this event, bearing the legend FELICITER 
IMPBTIIS (sic), representing Marcian and Pulcheria, both 
with the nimbus, standing, joining hands ; in the midst, 
Christ standing with the nimbus cruciger, placing one 
hand on each of their shoulders (PL V. No. 14). This 
piece, which is one of the most interesting examples of 
Christian numismatics, is preserved in the Hunter 
Museum, Glasgow, and I am indebted to Prof. Young, 
M.D., the Curator of the Museum, for an impression. 
The legend recalls the words of Juvenal : 13 

" Signatae tabulae, diotom/tflictor, ingens 
Ccena sedet, gremio jacuit nova nupta mariti." 

A somewhat similar type, though treated in a pagan 
manner, occurs on the brass coins of Julia Paula, wife of 
Elagabalus, with the legend, CONCORDIA AETERNA 
(Cohen, Nos. 18, 19). The coins of Pulcheria have the 
same types as those of the other Empresses. 

m Num. Chron.," N.S., 1867, vol. vii. p. 203. 
130 " Sat." ii. 119 ; Eckhel, " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. 
p. 192. 


Some coins of Leo I. show the 4> in the field (Sab., 
PI. VI. No. 24), and represent him holding the mappa 
and long cross (No. 19), as on the coins of Yalenti- 
nian III. above mentioned ; but the type of the coins of 
his wife Yerina, as well as those of Leo II. and Zeno 
(with the exception of the brass pieces of the latter with 
IN VICTA ROMA and S. C., Senatus consulto), his wife 
Ariadne, of Basiliscus, his wife Zenonis, and son Marcus, 
and of Leontius, do not exhibit any novelty of type. 



( To be continued. ) 




MUCH careful research has been expended upon one 
branch of the economic history of Europe in the Middle 
Ages ; upon that branch namely which includes all 
questions touching the distribution of land. But up to 
the present time almost no attention has been given to 
the kindred subject of the currency of Middle Age Europe. 
Of this neglect the blame must lie chiefly at the door of 
numismatic study; for a more extensive knowledge of 
mediaeval coinages is a necessary preliminary to a know- 
ledge of mediaeval finance. Yet so small is the interest 
which mediaeval numismatics at present excites, that look- 
ing through the later volumes of the Chronicle, which may 
be considered to contain the results of English numismatic 
research during the last ten years, I find, exclusive of 
the papers upon English money, but two others which 
treat of Middle Age numismatics. This neglect is not 
owing to the unimportance or unattractiveness of the 
subject itself, but rather, as I imagine, to a too narrow 
and partial estimate of the value of numismatic science. 
The Greek and Roman branches of the study have stamped 



their character upon others which do in fact require to 
be dealt with in quite a different fashion. Mediaeval 
coins, not like the classical, specially remarkable for the 
history which each piece bears upon its face, should be 
treated rather comparatively than individually ; should be 
interrogated for the information which they have to give 
concerning the imitation by one country of the coinage of 
another, the comparison of their weights as telling upon 
the question of exchange, and upon many other points of 
a like kind. All these qualities will be overlooked if we 
care for individual peculiarities, for the acquisition of 
rarities, and the ambition of an amateur alone. Add to 
this fault the confinement of view which, though it has 
been reformed in a great measure, still taints our study of 
history and taints still more our study of coins. Till 
within recent years three ordained branches of historical 
knowledge were recognised as, so to say, " generally 
necessary " to the formation of a sound scholar, that is to 
say the history of Greece, the history of Rome, and the 
history of England. A man might obtain fresh means of 
grace by excursus into the annals of other European 
countries, especially into those of France ; but the study 
was made as much as possible continuous and separate, 
and the country was severed as much as possible from 
connection with its neighbours. 

It is unnecessary to point out how much history suffers 
if treated in this way. How inexplicable and meaningless 
appear the civilisations of the Greeks and the Romans 
when taken without reference to their neighbouring 
nations the Egyptians, the Phoenicians, the Etruscans 
to each other or to the stock from which they sprang ; how 
their deeds of arms lose half their significance unless we 
know something of the previous history and then existing 


power of Persia and of Carthage. The disadvantage of 
this isolated method of study is even more conspicuous 
when we come to the history of Europe during the period 
which immediately follows the dissolution of the Roman 
Empire. Then we are dealing not so much with countries 
as with races. The new barbarians who are now making 
their first appearance upon the stage of history are, as it 
were, in a nebulous condition, without fixed homes and 
separate nationalities or centres of social life ; and to 
confine our thoughts within territorial limits determined 
by long subsequent wars and treaties is nothing less than 
disastrous. I would therefore fain permit the title of 
mediaeval numismatics only to such a study of coins as 
should help to illustrate the relationship of different coun- 
tries of Europe during the Middle Ages ; and when such a 
study has gained a firmer place among us, it will I venture 
to think be prolific of results touching the economical 
history of the time. 

One of the first rules therefore which we must make is 
that our study should be synoptical as to territories, and 
that it should follow the division of epochs, rather than that 
of countries. And when we have arranged our coins in 
such a way we shall find that many changes which, so 
long as we were engaged upon the coinage of one country 
only, appeared startling and sudden, become natural and 
explicable enough when we have extended our inquiry 
throughout Europe. So that in the case of numismatics 
as of other studies, the effect of a more scientific method 
will be the substitution of a harmonious and natural 
development for the arbitrary creation of new types. 
Pursuing this wider and more European treatment of 
the subject, we find that as with the history, so with 
the coinage of the Middle Ages, there are certain epochs 


which stand out with strongly marked characteristics and 
serve as the breaks upon our stage of progress. Such an 
epoch is made by the introduction of the silver denarius 
by the family of Charles the Great, and the substitu- 
tion of a currency almost exclusively of silver for the 
gold coinage which had preceded it. If we desire a 
precise date for this change we may take the year 781, 
on wh'ch we find a decree of Charles ordering that the 
new penny (denarius) shall be current throughout the 
Prankish kingdom ; albeit the substitution of this new 
coinage had begun before the accession of Charles. The 
period between the first issue of coins by the barbarian 
invaders of the Roman Empire and this date, 781, forms a 
definite and marked era in the history of European 
coinage ; though it is not the less essentially a period of 
transition. It is this period which I have chosen as the 
subject of my inquiries. It corresponds historically with 
the transition from Roman to Middle Age Europe; to 
the time, that is, which lies between the accession of 
Honorius in 395 and the crowning of Charles as Emperor, 
an event which we know took place at Christmastide of 
the year 800. 

All this time of transition is one of constant conflict and 
of constant change. The new German blood which has 
been infused into the languid pulse of the old German 
civilisation, for a time runs riot there, and only through 
the slow course of years do we learn to recognise the 
signs of a new birth in what seem like the pangs of a 
general dissolution. The characteristics of this phase of 
history are in many ways reproduced in the coinage of 
the time. We shall pass through the various stages of a 
degradation more or less rapid of the Eoman money, until 
we finally pause before the general reconstruction which 
accompanies the rise of the Karling dynasty. Even in 


this period of transition we shall be able to divide our 
subject into smaller periods. The first is that of a coinage 
of pure imitation, only distinguishable from the imperial 
money by the barbarous character of its work. This 
barbarous imitative currency belongs most particularly to 
the latter half of the fifth and the first half of the sixth 
century. The second division comprises the coins of the 
Vandals of Africa and the Ostrogoths in Italy, both of 
which emerge from the imitative stage before the end of 
the fifth century, and have many points of mutual resem- 
blance and of distinction from the coinage of the other 
barbarian people. The third includes the currency of the 
Merovingians, of the Visigoths, and of the Lombards. The 
fourth introduces us to the beginnings of a silver coinage in 
our own country, and traces the influences which led to the 
rise of such a coinage under the second Frankish race and the 
gradual disappearance of gold money from western Europe. 
At the death of Theodosius the Great in 395, the sole 
coinage of Europe was that which issued from the imperial 
mints. Rome, Siscia, Aquileia, Lyons, Aries, and Treves 
are the six mints of the Western Empire enumerated in the 
Notitia Imperil ; 1 but to these we must add the short-lived 
mint of Sirmium and the revived mint of Milan. 2 Treves 3 
was presently abandoned, and Ravenna and Narbonne 
came into use. The mint was under a strict regulation, 
governed by an officer appointed from the central govern- 
ment, and all its internal constitution was settled with 
the most scrupulous care. Throughout the days of the 
Roman Empire the moneyers had formed an hereditary 
class or family the familia monetalis composed of 

1 Cap. X. ed. Booking. 2 From the evidence of coins. 

3 The money with the mint-mark of Treves and the name of 
Arcadius may have been struck in the reign of Theodosius at a 
time when Arcadius was in command of the German army. 


freedmen and slaves ; under the lower Empire they were 
chosen from the class of fiscal serfs, who were not 
allowed to intermarry save with one another. This was 
the coinage of the world, and no doubt passed current 
among people not subject to the Roman dominion, as in 
the time of Tacitus the Roman silver money had passed 
current among the Germans. 4 We may, however, fairly 
conclude that this element of culture spread only a little 
way beyond the borders of the Empire. As late as the 
time of Charlemagne we find the Saxons in the heart of 
Germany almost unacquainted with the uses of a coinage. 
Even the tribute which they paid to the Frank kings up 
to the time of Dagobert I. was not discharged in money, 
but consisted of five hundred head of cattle ; and yet, as we 
shall presently see, one of the first uses to which money 
was put among the Teuton barbarians was for the payment 
of taxes and tributes. 

If we go to the lower Danube, to the Goths to whom 
Ulfilas had been preaching not long before this time (circ. 
340 388), we have every reason to suspect that their 
wealth, too, was estimated only in their flocks and herds. 
For we find in Ulfilas' translation of the Bible the words 
for money always rendered byjaiku (cattle) ; from which 
we may conclude that these Goths were ignorant of the 
uses of a coinage. With people such as these, outside the 
penumbra of Roman civilisation, barter was doubtless 
the only means of exchange. But they were not 
devoid of laws ; and among the most important provisions 

4 What Tacitus tells us concerning the Germans that they 
preferred silver to gold, and of silver the old consular coins 
(" serratos bigatosque ") as being old and well-known, is con- 
firmed in a remarkable way by the finds east of the Khine and 
north of the Danube. (Mommsen, " Hist, de la mon. rom." 
-Blacas tr., torn. 3.) 


in the laws of the Teutonic peoples have been those which 
regulated the mulcts or fines payable for any offence. So, 
when such payments had to be recognised officially it was 
necessary that some object of exchange should be fixed 
upon as the standard of valuation ; and it is obvious that 
such an official recognition of one particular commodity 
gives it a distinct character as a standard of value, and so 
prepares the way for a coinage. In almost all countries 
we find that cattle has been the first object chosen to 
represent money ; a fact which is sufficiently indicated by 
the etymology of such words as have come to stand for 
this general idea money or for the name of some par- 
ticular coin. The English fee, like the Latin pecunia, 
originally meant cattle ; so did in all probability sceat? 
the old English coin denomination. I have already shown 
how long this " cattle-money " existed among the conti- 
nental Saxons ; among those of our own country we find 
it in use until the propagation of Ine's laws (circ. 693), 
in which a regulated sequence of fines is given estimated 
in the cattle payment, or as it was called "nowt-geld." 
But as the valuations here recorded were not subjected to 
subsequent alteration, we may conclude that the nowt-geld 
soon after Ine's time was disused. In Scotland, on the 
contrary, these cattle-payments continued into the reign 
of David I. (1124 1153). 6 

Yet none of these barbarian peoples were ignorant of 
gold and silver, and in their personal ornaments they 
possessed a better, because less mutable, substitute for a 
regular coinage. The ring the collar or armlet which 

5 0. G. scaz (schatz), A.-S. sceat, Goth, shafts, Scand. skatt, 
"money," are allied to the Irish scath, "herd"; Slav, skotu, 
skotina, " cattle." 

6 Cochran-Patrick, " Annals of the Coinage of Scotland," 
Preface, p. cv. 


was used both by the Celts and Teutons, was among all 
their personal possessions the most important and the 
most prized. It was a mark of nobility among the 
German races by some considered the origin of our 
coronets and had even about it a quasi- religious character 
in memory of the " holy beag" (holy ring), the oath upon 
which was tantamount to the oath upon Thorr's hammer. 
Just &afeok (cattle) has given us the word fee, the Saxon 
bedy. or bedh (Norse baugr) has left the same word for a 
fine in the laws of Ethelberht ; while batz, the name of a 
Swiss coin current within recent years, seems to have 
meant originally a link or pendant of a chain. 7 

All these facts seem to point to the conclusion that the 
rings had some sort of legally recognised value before the 
introduction of a coinage among the Teutonic people. 
But what chiefly serves to convince me of this is the 
frequent mention of rings in connection with fines, &c., in 
the Eddie songs, 8 and the honorary name for princes, the 
"ring breakers" (i.e. the magnificent), which we meet 
with there (baug-brota, Helgakvr8a Hund., 17, hring-brota 
id 44). In the English " Traveller's Tale " the bard says, 
" He gave me a ring (beag) on which were scored six 
hundred sceats of beaten gold reckoned in skillings " ; 9 

7 E. W. Robertson, "Historical Essays." 

8 Volundarskvr8a, 7, 8, 11. HelgakvrSa Hiorv. 6, 11. 
Helgakv. Hundingsbane, 11, 17, 44, 54. I take the allusions 
designedly from the heroic portion of the Edda, because these 
songs seem to belong to a later period than those of the mytho- 
logical section, and also because some of them show clear 
reminiscences of the fifth century. The use of ring money 
among the Celts (e.g. the Britons, Caes. B.C., v. 12) has often 
been made the subject of discussion, but scarcely affects the 
present question. 

Paer me Gotena cyning " There me the Goth king 

9 (( 

beag forgeaf .... a collar gave 


and this would seem to imply a custom of having the 
ornaments marked as possessing a given value, a custom 
which would very likely be kept up after the use of coins 
had come into vogue. If, too, as would appear from the 
expressions hring-brota, baug-brota, it was customary to 
divide these payment rings in much the same way that 
in later times it was rather the thing for a young gallant 
to twist off a few links of his chain to discharge a tavern 
bill this would account for the expression in skillings 
reckoned, which we may render etymologically in cuttings 
of divisions reckoned 10 ; so that the skilling or cutting, 
which was only a money of account when a coinage was 
introduced, had in former times probably been a recog- 
nised division of one of the payment beayas. The use of 
these rings was no doubt the reason why the nations of 
Germany, of Scandinavia, and of England, when they 
adopted a coinage which they all got directly or indirectly 
from Rome, did not altogether borrow with it the Roman 
weight system, but had already a standard of their own, 
to which the new money had to adapt itself. The mark 
or mork was the distinctive weight among all the Teutonic 
peoples. With this in Scandinavia went the eyrir (pi. 
aurar) or ore, eight of which made one mark ; both of 
these names surviving upon coins of the present day. 
Two gold rings, discovered in Norway in 1860, which 
were of the weight of three aurar, and belonged probably 
to a short time before the introduction iof a regular coin- 
age into that country, bore on one end of each a stamp of 

On )7am siex hand waes On which six hundred were 
Smaetes goldes Of smithied gold 

Gescyred sceatta Sceats scored 

Skilling-rime. In skillings reckoned. L. 179, 

10 Ice!., at skilja, "to cut." 



three small circles, betokening doubtless their weight. 11 
I have spoken just now of the "holy beag" which 
equalled in sanctity the holy hammer of Thorr. This 
ring was the ring Draupnir, one of the possessions of 
Odhinn, concerning which it is related that it dropped 
every ninth night eight rings of equal value ; in which 
last number I am disposed to recognise an allusion to the 
eight aurar which made up the mark, the highest weight 
among the Norsemen. 

With regard to those countries in which there was a 
currency we find that soon after the accession of Honorius 
the Western Empire possessed three mints in the south of 
Gaul, viz. : Aries (Prima Viennensis), Lyons (Prima Lug- 
dunensis), andNarbonne (Prima Narbonensis), the mint of 
Treves having been pretty well abandoned. This money 
no doubt passed current over the whole of Gaul, Spain, 
and Africa, and even beyond the limits of the Imperial 
domains ; but as during the ensuing century the Western 
Empire continued to decline in position and wealth the 
coinage of the East began to be much received in the 
north of Gaul, while the south of Gaul, Africa, and Spain 
adhered to the money of the West. About the beginning 
of the fifth century began the irruptions of those various 
nations of Teutonic 12 race, whose final establishment in 

11 C. J. Schive in "Num. Chron.," 1871. See also Grote, 
Miinzstudien, No. vii. 1 ; Holmboe, Miinzwesen Norwegens in 
Z. f. N., vi. 66. 

12 Teutonic and Slavonian, one should perhaps rather say. 
Dr. Latham (" Germania " passim, and " Nationalities of 
Europe") maintains that the invading hordes of barbarians 
were chiefly composed of Slavs ; but his arguments do not 
seem to me supported by sufficient evidence. For even where 
the name of a nation seems to suggest a Slavic origin, the names 
of such individuals belonging to it as have come down to us are 
nearly always pure Teuton. Thus Wend (Vandal) is, it is true, 


different lands which once owned the sway of Rome 
ushered in the new era of history which we call mediseval. 
If, as is undoubtedly the case, the essential division be- 
tween the modern and the classical eras of European 
history is made by the introduction of Christianity, it is 
equally true that so far as regards mere external and 
political considerations the most distinguishing feature of 
the change is the rise in influence of the Teutonic and the 
decline of the Roman people, and for the beginning of 
this change we may best take the commencement of the 
fifth century. 

The shocks which upon all sides were given to the 
fabric of Roman Empire were sudden and violent. Theo- 
dosius the Great died in 395, and following upon that 
event came the partition of the Empire between his two 
sons, Arcadius and Honorius. In the same year, 395, 
occurred the revolt of the Visigoths of Msesia under 
Alaric. Abandoning their homes in Msesia and Dacia 
they marched into the heart of Greece, took one by one 
Athens, Corinth, Sparta, Argos, and seemed to be in secure 
possession of the whole country. But the armies of the 

a name which has always been bestowed by the German people 
on their Slavonic neighbours. But, on the other hand, the 
names of the Vandal kings have all a Gothic form. The termi- 
nation rik (or riks), for instance, is pure Gothic r/cnsarik = 
gans-rik (gans probably meaning a plume, but literally a goose, 
old H. Germ., kans [anser] ; but Kuss., yus ; Polish, ges 
without the n; see Grimm, " Gesch. der d. Sp.," ed. 1848, 
vol. i., p. 478); hilda-rik, "king of battles," &c. So, too, 
ntund, " guard," is Gothic ; gunthamund (from gunths, " fight ; " 
mu-nd, " guard"), &c. Now the name of individuals is a better 
test of nationality than that of nations, because the former is 
generally bestowed by those most nearly related to the recipient, 
but the latter often ab extra. It would be no more safe to 
assume a constant signification for Wend than for Wahch 
(Welsh), which with one Teutonic race means the Italians, with 
another the Britons. 


Western Empire under Stilicho came to reinforce those of 
the East, and Alaric, placed upon the defensive, found 
himself obliged to retreat to the mountains of Pholoe in 
Elis ; and there his camp was blockaded by the Romans. 
Through the vigour of their king the Goths succeeded in 
breaking the lines of Stilicho, and in escaping by the 
isthmus of Corinth to Epirus ; and here Alaric concluded 
a treaty with the court of Constantinople. The stream, 
however, was only diverted from the East to fall with 
greater fury upon the West, which had drawn upon itself 
the vengeance of the barbarians. In 400 began Alaric's 
first invasion of Italy, of which we know none of the details 
save his defeat by Stilicho at the battle of Pollentia, and 
his second defeat under the walls of Yerona. The dis- 
grace and death of Stilicho prepared the way for a more 
successful attempt on the part of the Goths, and the 
second invasion of Italy began in 408, and for the first 
time since the days of Hannibal a foreign army appeared 
beneath the walls of Rome. Alaric returned without 
reducing the capital, but the second siege of Rome, the 
elevation of Attalus, his almost immediate degradation, 
the third siege and sack of the Imperial city served osten- 
tatiously to show the world how low her power had fallen. 
Meantime other portions of the Empire were not more 
fortunate than Italy. In 405-6 the united hordes of the 
Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burgundians 
entered Gaul never again to retreat beyond the Rhine, 
and this event may be considered the downfall of the 
Roman power beyond the Alps. The Burgundians re- 
mained in the eastern portion of Gaul, establishing in 
about fifteen years their kingdom over the region which 
in later times formed the dukedom of Burgundy, and over 
a great part of what is now Switzerland ; but the Suevi, 


the Vandals, and the Alani passed on into Spain, and for 
a long time disputed different portions of this country 
with each other, with the more courageous of the native 
inhabitants, and with such of the Roman legionaries as 
still remained. In 411 Alaric died, and his brother-in-law 
Adolphus or Astolf, abandoning the dream of a Gothic 
kingdom in Italy, preferred by his marriage with Placidia, 
the sister of Honorius, to ally himself with the Imperial 
family and to accept as a gift a kingdom in Aquitania and 
Narbonensis. But in 415 he was tempted to cross over 
the Pyrenees into Spain, and was assassinated there ; and 
the Goths, alternately affecting and disowning an allegi- 
ance to Honorius, continued for some time (under Wallia) 
to wage a doubtful war with the other barbarians of the 
Peninsula, but eventually added the greater part of it to 
their former kingdom in southern Gaul. Lastly, we must 
not omit to notice that about the same time that the 
Burgundians established their kingdom in eastern Gaul, 
the Franks having passed the Rhine made their first 
permanent settlements in the north, and established a 
kingdom there in the country of the Oise, the Meuse, and 
the Scheldt, whereof the capital was Soissons. 

These events follow one another with such rapidity, and 
extend over so wide an area, that it is almost impossible 
to bear them at once in mind or to realise the changes 
which they effected in the map of Europe. Let us there- 
fore pause a moment and at the risk of repetition ob- 
serve the course which these different barbarian nations 
had taken by about the middle of the fifth century. 
Three distinct streams must be noticed. 1. The Visi- 
goths, leaving Illyricum and marching first northward 
crossed the Julian Alps, entered Italy, thrice besieged, 
and finally took Rome, and pressed on to the very 


south of the Peninsula. But from thence they turned 
to Gaul, traversed the southern portions of Narbonensis 
and Aquitania, crossed the Pyrenees and defeated the 
Suevi, Alani, and Vandals in Spain. For a while they 
returned to Gaul, but eventually fixed their kingdom in 
Spain, and in a small portion of Gaul lying north and 
east of the Pyrenees. 2. The united bands of the Bur- 
gundians, Suevi, Alani, and Vandals invaded Italy under 
the banner of Radagaisus, were totally defeated by Stilicho 
and for awhile retired to recruit their strength in the 
fastnesses of the Hercynian forest. Then in the depth of 
the winter of 405 they crossed the upper Rhine and 
entered Gaul. Of the four nations the Burgundians alone 
remained to take possession of their conquests in this 
country. The other three passed on into Spain. There 
the Suevi and Alani remained until they were dispersed 
and almost exterminated by the Visigoths ; but in 430 
the Vandals, under Genseric, and at the invitation of Count 
Boniface, crossed the Pillars of Hercules, and drove the 
Romans out of their seven provinces in northern Africa. 
These they erected into a Vandal kingdom. 3. The Franks 
in 420 crossed the lower Rhine, and made sure their 
footing in the Belgic province. Here under their family of 
Merovingians or Meerwigs which some interpret to mean 
sea-warriors 13 they established a hereditary monarchy. 
It was not until 481 under Clovis or Hludwig that the 
Franks began to make their influence felt far beyond the 
limits of their distant country. Their doings at this later 
time belong to the second age of Teutonic invasion, an 

13 Witj is in Frankish " a warrior " ; meer-iciy, " sea warrior " 
(?) ; hlud-vriy (Clovis, Ludwig, Lewis), " famous " (cf. Gk. 
K\UTOS), " warrior." The ch in Prankish takes the place of the 
Gothic A, as Childerio=Aife2a-rtfc, " king of battles." Grimm. 


era which is separated by about a century from the first 
irruption of the barbarians, and which is especially 
associated with the names of Clovis and Theodoric, the 

Before we speak of this second era of invasion, let us 
pause and ask ourselves, what is the condition of things 
which was likely to arise from the influx into the 
Roman provinces of nations in such a state of bar- 
barism ? To them clearly money, for the uses to which 
it is now put, has no value ; they will be almost in- 
capable of understanding how gold and silver can be 
made subservient to the gratification of their tastes and 
appetites. But that human weakness which, next to the 
appetites themselves, is most inveterate in our nature 
vanity will here come into action. No people are too 
barbarous or too civilised to be above the passion for 
display. The precious metals were the one element of 
Roman luxury which these invaders could seize upon and 
make their own. They had no need of, and no care for, 
the real beauties which adorned the life of a rich Roman 
citizen, his stately villa, his statues, his baths, his gar- 
dens ; but his more portable wealth they seized upon and 
cherished as if it held a charm which could convert their 
rough life into a life capable of the enjoyments which 
they saw and envied, but could not imitate ; for, in 
fact, to the barbarians the changes and chances of this 
new time of conquest must have afforded an almost deli- 
rious excitement. Imagine the Groths, to whom Ulfilas 
preached, living a life little different from that which 
their Aryan ancestors had lived two thousand years be- 
fore, and then, before a generation had passed away, trans- 
planted into the midst of the ancient civilisation of Italy 
or southern Gaul. The effect of this sudden awakening 


re-awoke the ballad poetry of the Teutonic people ; and 
this ballad poetry is more than that of any other nation 
profoundly tinctured with an intense greed of gold. The 
whole plot of the great German epic, the " Nibelungen- 
not," turns upon the possession of a mighty treasure, 
whose acquisition is invested with the character of an 
almost religious duty, calling for the most heroic sacri- 
fices. So, too, in our own poem of " Beowulf " a heroic 
life is thought to have reached its consummation in a 
like exploit, and Beowulf dies happy when Wiglaf shows 
the wealth his prowess has gained " for his people." 14 
It is important to bear this in mind, in order to under- 
stand the modifications which the coinages underwent at 
this period. It shows us how the inroads of the bar- 
barians tended in a double way to as we should now 
say lock up capital. Of course any time of war and 
disturbance has this tendency ; but this time had it in a 
peculiar degree, because it threw the wealth into the hands 
of those who had nothing else to do with it than to lock it 
up that is to say, convert it from the purposes of a cur- 
rency to the mere material of personal adornment or into a 
hoard of bullion. Gold was especially valued. Gold took a 
position very much like that which diamonds take with us; 
it was the coveted luxury and sign of wealth, the noble 
metal for the use of the freeborn invaders ; silver, the 
plebeian and slavish one, was left for their subjects that 

14 Ic *bara fraetwa For this treasure I 

Frean ealles J7anc Thanks to the Lord for all 

Wuldur cyninge To the King of renown 

Wordum secge Do now express 

J7aes ?>e ic moste That these I might 

Minum leodum For my people 

Mr swylt daege Ere my death-day 

Svvylc gestrynan. Such acquire. L. 5580, sqq. 


is, for the ordinary purposes of a coinage. Thus Godrun 
says of Sigurd : 

Sva var SigurSr So shone Sigurd 

Of sonum Gjuka Above the sons of Giuki 

gull gloftrautt As glowing gold 

Of gra silfri. Above grey silver. 

Thus it was that while gold was hoarded and valued, 
while the greater taxes and tributes those which were 
not paid in kind were likely to be discharged in gold, for 
the ordinary purposes of exchange, the proper use of 
money, it was probably less employed than the baser metal. 
Up to the time at which we are now arrived the 
middle of the fifth century no coins had been struck 
in Europe bearing the name of a barbarian ruler. But in 
northern, southern, and eastern Gaul, in Spain, and also in 
Africa, a coinage would seem to have been begun among the 
various nations of the Franks, the Burgundians, the Suevi, 
the Visigoths, the Vandals. The coins of this transition era 
can only be determined by their style. Whenever a 
Roman province is occupied by the barbarians the change 
is first marked by the appearance of a coinage which 
imitates the old Roman one. For the jealous care which 
guarded the secret of the imperial mints would prevent 
the new-comers from continuing a coinage like the old, 
even were they disposed to do so. It was inevitable that 
the nice machinery should be displaced, and the result is 
an issue of imitative but less skilfully executed coins 
generally the work of some local goldsmith. Probably most 
large collections of later Roman aurei contain a number of 
these barbarous imitations, which it is not difficult to sepa- 
rate from the imperial issues. The difficulty arises when 
we try and appropriate them to the various nationalities 



to which they belong. For the coin may owe its charac- 
teristic to one of two influences : either it may be the 
work of the old moneyers, acting now with much greater 
freedom for less critical employers, or it may be the work 
of some quite new hands, the old imperial mint having 
altogether collapsed. In the first case the coins, though 
careless and rude, bear most resemblance to the imperial 
issue which preceded them ; in the second case they are 
most like those which, at a later time, bear the name and 
monogram of a barbarian king. The proper attribution 
of these nameless barbarian coins must necessarily be a 
matter of the greatest difficulty, depending, in fact, chiefly 
upon our knowledge of the circumstances of their discovery, 
and it is a task which, I must frankly confess, would be 
quite beyond my powers. Fortunately a number of distin- 
guished numismatists have employed their talents in solv- 
ing these difficulties. In France the labours- of MM. Charles 
Lenormant,Petigny,andDuchalais are especially worthy of 
mention, and in England those of the late Count de Salis. 
The latter, though unfortunately he left behind him few 
written memorials of his studies, devoted a very particular 
attention to this subject. While making use of the re- 
searches of the French numismatists he threw upon them 
the additional light which an experience, familiarised with 
the examination of large masses of coins, placed at his 
disposal, thus founding his opinion as much upon the 
style or the provenance of the coins as upon the isolated 
indications of particular pieces. In the accompanying 
plate, therefore, Count de Salis's separation of the different 
classes of imitative coins has been largely followed, some- 
times even when I have not been able to ascertain 
with certainty the data upon which his conclusions were 



No. 1. Suevian. Copied from gold solidua of Valentinian III. 

(425455) struck at Ravenna. 
No. 2. Suevian. Copied from silver coin of Honorius (395 423) 

struck at Milan. 
No. 3. Suevian. Copied from silver coin of Jovinus (411 413) 

struck at Treves. 
No. 4. Burgundian. Copied from gold solidus of Leo I. (457 474) 

struck at Ravenna. 
No. 5. Burgundian. Copied from silver coin of Valentinian II. (375 

392) struck at Treves. 
No. 6. Burgundian. Copied from silver coin of Theodosius I. (379 

395) struck at Treves. 
No. 7. Burgundian. Copied from gold solidus of Anastasius I. (491 

518), with monogram of Gondobald (500 516). 
No. 8. Burgundian. Small silver coin of Gondobald. 
No. 9. Burgundian. Copied from gold solidus of Anastasius I., with 

monogram of Sigismund (516523). 
No. 10. Burgundian. Copied from gold triens of Justin I. (518 527), 

with monogram of Sigismund. 
No. 11. Burgundian. Copied from gold triens of Justinian I. (527 665), 

monogram of Gondemar II. (524 534). 

No. 12. Merovingian. Copied from gold solidus of Anastasius I. 
No. 13. Merovingian. Copied from gold solidus of Anastasius I., with 

mint- mark S (Soissons). 

No. 14. Visigothic. Copied from gold triens of Anastasius I. 
No. 15. Visigothic coin of (San) Hermengild (579). [For comparison only.] 
No. 16. Vandalic. Copied from gold solidus of Valentinian III. 

struck at Rome. 
No. 17. Vandalic. Copied from gold solidus of Anastasius I. struck 

at Constantinople. 

Of the coins given upon the plate, only Nos. 1 6, 13, 
14, 16, 17 belong, strictly speaking, to the class of mere 
barbarian imitations/ A glance will be sufficient to show 
that differences of fabric distinguish the different classes. 
At the same time we observe points at which they meet 
and seem to run into one another. The distinction, for 
instance, between the coins which have been attributed to 
the Suevi (1 3) and those which are given to the Bur- 
gundians (4 6) is not strongly marked ; but still there 
is a difference, and the comparison of the coins (4 6) and 
those (7 11) which bear the monograms of Burgundian 
kings will serve to justify the attribution. Again, No. 13, 
by its mint-mark (Soissons), and by its likeness to the 
earlier Meerwig coins, with the names of Frankish sove- 


reigns, is undoubtedly Merovingian, wherefore we may 
safely say that No. 12 is so also. A comparison of the 
triens No. 14 with the coin of Hermengild (15) shows its 
close resemblance in style to the later, the named 
Visigothic coinage. Finally, Nos. 16, 17 are attri- 
buted, no doubt on account of their provenance, to the 
Vandals of Africa. The examination of these last coins 
might have been deferred until we came to speak of the 
Vandal coinage ; but for the sake of comparison, and 
because these pieces belong as much as any others to the 
class of imitative coins, and were very probably struck 
earlier than the regular Vandal series, they have been 
included in the plate. 

It is worth noticing that before the time of Justinian 
the characteristic type of the Gallic money (the Mero- 
vingian, Burgundian, or Visigothic) is that which displays 
upon the reverse the Victory in profile, whereas on the 
contemporary Italic (Ostrogothic) pieces she is generally 
facing. This we shall notice when in the next paper we 
come to speak of the Ostrogothic coinage. The rule is by 
no means one of universal application, and altogether 
ceases to be operative after the accession of Justinian I. 
On the whole the distinction is more noticeable in the 
smaller gold coins (tremisses) than in the solidi. 

The Burgundian coins with the monograms of Gondo- 
bald, Sigismund, and Gondemar do not come within the 
series of purely imitative coins, nor belong to the century 
with which we are now dealing ; but as it was necessary 
to place some of these pieces upon the plate for the pur- 
pose of comparison, it has been thought better to display 
a representative selection. The insignificance of this Bur- 
gundian currency, which never quite rises to the height of 
what we may call autonomy, precludes it from occupying a 


place as a distinct class alongside the money of the Ostro- 
goths, the Vandals, the later Visigoths, the Lombards, and 
the Franks ; and as we are going to treat of these last three 
classes together, we shall have subjects more than enough 
for a representative plate. 

It will be seen that most of the coins here given belong 
to the end of the fifth or beginning of the sixth century. 
When we get farther back the task of dividing the coins 
under the different barbarian nations becomes much more 
difficult. Sometimes a find may serve to shed light upon 
the question. It would appear, for instance, judging from 
the find of coins in the tomb of Childeric I., the father of 
Clovis that is, the king of the Franks in days when they 
were still settled in the country of the Oise, the Maas, and 
the Scheldt that the imitative coinage of North Gaul 
" was taken from the coinage of Constantinople ; whereas 
that of Southern Gaul, Spain, and Africa copied the types 
of Aries, Milan, Home, and Ravenna. This continues till 
the fall of the Western Empire. Under Zeno the coinage 
of continental Europe and Africa becomes exclusively 
Byzantine." (De Salis.) Another conclusion at which we 
arrive, after an extensive examination of barbarian imita- 
tive coins, is that they were as a rule struck in gold, and 
that silver coins, such as Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8 on the plate, are 
quite exceptional. These coins, in fact, belong to the be- 
ginning of the fifth century, and probably to the district 
near or beyond the Rhine. All the imitative silver except 
No. 2 are taken from coins of Treves ; No. 3 is especially 
worthy of notice as being copied from the rare silver coins 
of Jovinus, a pretender who, with the support of the 
Suevi and the Burgundians, usurped the purple between 
411 and 413, but was eventually defeated by Astolf, the 
Visigothic king. As, then, these silver coins belong to 


the neighbourhood of the Rhine and to the early part of 
the fifth century, and as when we come to the later coinages 
of continental Europe, we find that the gold coinage gene- 
rally stands to the silver in the ratio of not less than ten to 
one, we are justified in believing that the barbarians those 
of Southern Gaul and Spain at all events so soon as they 
had got into the heart of the Roman territories almost 
abandoned the use of silver money. 

As for the gold imitative coinage there was every 
reason why it should last a considerable time. For the 
coinage of Rome the gold at any rate had been so long 
the sole coinage of the world, that it must have been only 
by very slow degrees that people began to conceive the 
possibility of an issue bearing any other image and super- 
scription than that of Caesar. Procopius 15 gives us very 
precise information upon this point. He tells us how in 
544 the Frankish kings began to strike gold coins 
" bearing their own portrait, not that of the Emperor as 
was [heretofore] the [universal] custom. The king of 
the Persians indeed used to strike silver money of his 
own, but it was not lawful either for him or for any other 
barbarian king to make his gold coin with a portrait of 
the ruler. For, in fact, this money could not have obtained 
currency even amongst the barbarians themselves." 

Though the preponderance of the gold coins among 
the merely imitative series is sufficiently accounted for by 
this fact, we have still remaining the circumstance that 
the barbarians did not, as a rule, either make imitative 
ailver money or issue it with their own name or mono- 
gram ; and that even in coinage of a later date when the 
barbarian nations had instituted a gold coinage of their 

15 ''Bell. Goth.," iii. 33. 


own, silver was minted not at all, 16 or only in very small 
quantities. This is the case as we shall see hereafter in 
the coinage of the Merovingians, the Visigoths of Spain, and 
the Lombards. It is accounted for by what I have said 
above touching the general relationship in which these 
German invaders stood towards their coinage. They did 
not want silver money, nor did they want gold as a 
medium of exchange, but solely for the purpose of hoard- 
ing it as treasure or of converting it into objects of adorn- 
ment. The Teutonic invasions were not, as we are apt to 
imagine them, definite conquests and appropriations of 
countries, so much as the settling of colonists in new 
territories ; and their effect was less felt in the change of 
institutions than in the slow undermining of society, the 
gradual pauperising of the old inhabitants, the sapping of 
all industries, and reversing of all the conditions favourable 
to trade. Thus, while industry and commerce in the over- 
run districts underwent a steady and rapid decline, the 
supply of money would have been much in excess of the 
demand but for that strong passion of the barbarians for 
the possession of gold. The greater part of the gold 
coinage thrown out of the ordinary use of a currency came 
in for the purpose of satisfying the greed of the con- 
querors ; what was left, the silver and copper, was suf- 
ficient for the ordinary uses of exchange ; and as the gold 
was wanted, not as money, but as bullion, we need not 
be surprised at what we find was the case, that when a 
fresh race of moneyers had sprung up under the new 

16 Heiss (" Mommies des Wisigoths ") doubts whether these 
people ever struck either in silver or copper. " Enfin dans les 
douze annees que nous sommes restes en Espagne, malgre tous 
nos recherches, il nous a etc impossible de rencontrer une seule 
piece d'argent ou de cuivre qui put etre attribute aux Wisi- 
gotha" (p. 25). 


conquerors, their skill was very largely called into requi- 
sition, and yet almost exclusively upon the more precious 
metal. What seems actually to have been the case was 
this. Gold was coined at a great number of local centres, 
and when struck was used almost solely for the purpose of 
paying taxes and tributes. When a certain quantity was 
collected the whole was converted into bullion 17 and con- 
veyed to the treasury of the suzerain, who only slowly and 
gradually dispersed it again, using up some for personal 
adornment, and giving some away to his nobles, his leudes, 
or his comites, as the case might be. When any man 
wished to make purchases there was always a local 
moneyer who would reconvert the bullion into coins for 
the remuneration, say, of one solidus out of every twenty- 
two so it was settled in later times by Pepin. 18 Thus the 
whole of the epoch of whose coinage I am writing the 
transition period of history from the breaking up of the 
Western Empire to the rise of the new Holy Roman 
Empire under Charles is in one sense a golden age ; 
unfortunately in this sense only. The very exclusiveness 
of the gold issue is a symbol of the barbarism into which 
the different countries had fallen. C. F. KEARY. 

17 In the life of St. Eloi we are told how, when the king's 
fiscal wished to pay into the royal treasury the taxes of some 
land which had been granted to the saint, he was proceeding 
(" ut consuetude erat ") to convert the taxes into bullion, but 
was prevented by a miracle which, for three or four days, 
stopped the gold from melting. At the end of this time a mes- 
senger arrived from St. Eloi claiming the property. (" Vita St. 
Elig.," c. xv.) The custom of converting taxes into bullion before 
they were paid into the treasury seems to have been first 
adopted under the Empire (temp. Valens and Valentinian). 
See " Cod. Theod.," Bk. xii. t. 6. 

18 XXVIIIth Canon. " De moneta constituimus similiter ut 
amplius non habeat in libra pensante nisi xxij solidos, et de 
ipsis xxij solidis monetarius habeat solidum unum, et illos alios 
denarios domino cujus sunt reddat." 



No. II. 

THE following medals belong to the fourth group into 
which this subject has been already divided ; 1 viz., Medals 
of Illustrious Scottish Persons. 

It is somewhat surprising that there should be so few 
early personal medals belonging to this series. We have 
already seen 2 that in the year 1477 James III. presented a 
piece to the shrine of St. John the Baptist at Amiens, 
which was the work of some unknown artist at the mint 
of Berwick, at that time a possession of Scotland. This 
piece was perhaps a pattern for a new coinage never put 
into circulation, but the fact that it was presented to the 
shrine shows that it was regarded more as a medal than 
as a coin. That it was the work of a native artist may be 
inferred from the mint recorded on it. Yet no other 
Scottish medal is known of this period. The first one 
which I can notice does not occur till almost at the close 
of the fifteenth century. The subject of it, Archbishop 

1 See "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1877, Part I., p. 57. 

2 Ib., p. 58. 

VOL. XVII 1. N.S. L 


Schevez, was noted in his time as a great patron of art 
and an assiduous collector of MSS. and books. 


This remarkable medal bears the date 1491. It is sup- 
posed by Mr. Albert Way to be of Flemish workmanship. 3 

Obv. The bust of the Archbishop to the left, wearing the 
berretta. Legend, within two circles, 


Rev. The staff of the Archbishop, surmounted by his 
arms. First and fourth, three cat-a-mountains 
in pale passant ; second and third, a cross voided 
in the centre ; therein a mullet of six points ; a 
cross crosslet fitchy on the upper limb of the 
cross. Legend, within two circles, 

# SCOTIE # PEIMAS # 1&91 

Metal, M. 2&. Size, 8V in. = 80 m - 

Artist, unknown. PI. IV. No. 1. 

This medal was probably struck on the occasion of the 
quarrel between the Archbishops of St. Andrew's and 
Glasgow as to the primacy. 4 An original of it was in the 
collection of the late Dr. Wellesley, of Oxford, in bronze ; 
and another, in silver, was at one time in the cabinet of 
M. Sauvageot, of Paris. 

The following medal has generally been appropriated to 

3 " Catalogue of the Museum of Arch. Inst. at Edin.," 1856 
p. 221. 

4 J. Robertson's " Statuta EC. Scot.," vol. i. p. cxix., note. 


Mary Stuart. 5 This attribution was first doubted by Mr. 
Way, and apparently with good reason. I should be glad 
to be favoured with the opinions of the members of this 
society who have given any attention to the portraits 
and costume of the period with regard to its appropria- 
tion. It has been suggested that it may be a medal of 
Lady Margaret Douglas ; and any observations either 
favouring or opposing this view would be of great value 
to those interested in this subject. 

Obv. Bust to the waist, wearing a cross suspended from 
a rosary : the right hand across the body clasping 
a book. Legend, within double circle, 










Two hands clasped between the pellet orna- 

Metal, JR. Size, If* in. = 60* m - 

Artist, unknown. PL IV. No. 2. 

This medal, as all those of this period, is cast and gene- 
rally tooled. No struck specimen is known. 


This very fine and rare medal is in the collection of the 
8 " Catalogue of Museum of Arch. lust. Edin.," 1856, p. 183. 


British Museum, and also in the Hunterian Cabinet at 

Obv. The initials " Gr. S." (for George Seton) and 
"I. H." (for Isabella Hamilton) in monogram, 
with a floriated ornament above and beneath. 


Rev. A thistle head between three crescents, forming a 
trefoil. Legend, 

VNE LOY 1562 

Metal, N. M. 

Size, (^)=1H in. = 34 m - (#. M.) = ll in. = 31 m - 
PL IV. No. 3. 

The silver specimen in the Hunter Cabinet is of the 
smaller size. It is not known who was the artist of this 
medal, which has not been hitherto published. The only 
record of it which is known, was brought under my notice 
by Dr. Hill Burton, and is in the Record of the Privy 
Council of Scotland, lately published. 

" Apud Edinburgh sexto Januarii, anno., &c., lxij. 
In presence of the Lords of Secrete Counsale, comperit 
Michaell Gilbert, burges of Edinburch, and producit ane 
pile and ane tursall maid for cunyeing of certane pecis of 
gold and silvir the pile havand sunkin thairin foure 
lettris, viz. G S I H, linkand within utheris, and the cir- 
cumscription thairof berand nemo potest duobus dominis 
servire : the tursell havand thre crescentis with ane 
thirsell closit within the samin, written about un dieu un 
loy une foy un roy une loy togidder with twa punscheow- 
nis, the ane berand the saidis letteris of G S I H linkit as 
said is, and the uther berand crescentis and thirsell 
inclosit as said is with the qubilkis pile, tursell and 


punscheownis he cunyeit certain pecis of gold and silvir 
quhilkis being swa producit wer in presence of the saidis 
Lordis deliverit to Andro Henderson, wardane of the 
Cunyehous to be kepit be him, unusit or prentit with in 
tyme cuming." 6 

This Michaell Gilbert was of good family, and gold- 
smith to Queen Mary, but whether he was a medallic 
artist or only struck from dies, made probably in France, 
has not yet been ascertained. 

The subject of the medal was the "loyal and mag- 
nanimous" Lord Seton, the devoted adherent of Queen 
Mary ; and his wife was the daughter of Sir William 
Hamilton of Sanquhar. 7 


This medal was probably struck in 1635, when Lord 
Traquair was appointed Lord Treasurer. 

Obv. The arms of Lord Traquair in a shield, crowned. 


Rev. A balance within a triangle. Legend, 

followed by a small thistle and B, the privy 
mark of the artist, Nicolas Briot. 

Metal, M. Size, l/ 5 - in. = 29 m - 

Artist, Nicolas Briot. 

The subject of this medal was the eldest son of John 
Stewart, younger, of Traquair. 8 He succeeded his grand- 

6 " liec. of Priv. Coun.," vol. i. p. 227, xxx. 

7 Crawfurd's " Officers of State," p. 155. 

8 lb., p. 406. 


father in 1606, and was created Lord Stewart of Traquair 
in 1628. He became Treasurer Depute in 1630, and was 
created Earl of Traquair in 1633. In 1635 he became 
Lord Treasurer, which office he held till 1641, when he 
was deprived of it. After the defeat of the Royalist party 
he lived in retirement till 1647, when he raised a regiment 
of horse for the king's service. He was taken prisoner 
at Preston, but afterwards released by Cromwell, and 
died, it is said in great want, in September, 1659. 

We now come to three very interesting Scottish medals. 
The first of them is John, Earl of Loudoun. This medal 
was the work of Abraham Simon in the year 1645. 9 

Obv. His head to the left, with skull cap. A broad 
collar falls over the shoulder which is shown. The 
initials "A. S." below the shoulder. 

Rev. IOHAN : 





Metal, N. M. Size, 1-fr in. = 86 m - 

Artist, A. Simon. 

The Earl of Loudoun was born in 1598, and was the 
eldest son of Sir James Campbell of Lawers. 10 He married 
Margaret, eldest daughter of George, Master of Lou- 
doun; and was created Earl of Loudoun in 1633. He 
was nominated one of the Commissioners for Scotland at 
the Treaty of "Oxbridge in 1645. The Earl of Loudoun 

9 " Med. Hist.," pi. xxiv. 10. Vertue's " Works of Simon," 
pi. xv. p. 25. 

10 Crawford's " Officers of State," p. 196. 


presided over the Parliament which proclaimed Charles II. 
king, and afterwards assisted his cause by all means in 
his power. He lived to see the Restoration, and died at 
Edinburgh in 1663. 



Obv. His bust, bareheaded, to the right, as No. 5. 

Rev. CAR : 





Metal, M. Size, If in. = 36 m 

Artist, A. Simon. 11 

Charles, second Earl of Dunfermline, was the only son 
of Alexander, first earl, and the grandson of the Lord 
Seton, whose medal has been already noticed. 12 His 
mother was Margaret, the daughter of John, Lord Seton. 
He was one of the Committee of Parliament in 1640 ; and 
also one of the Committee of Estates from 1644 to 1646. 
He returned to his allegiance, and after the restoration 
was appointed by Charles II. Lord Privy Seal in 1671, 
and died in 1674. This medal is engraved in Vertue's 
" Works of Simon," from an original then in the posses- 
sion of M. Johnson, Esquire. 13 


This remarkable and very rare medal has not hitherto 
been published, so far as I am aware. The only example 

11 Pink, " Med. Hist.," pi. xxiv. 9. 

12 Crawford's " Officers of State," p. 157. 

13 " Simon's Works," p. 32, pi. xx. 


which is known was in the collection of Mr. W. D. 
Hamilton, from which a cast was presented to the late 
Duke of Sutherland. I am indebted to Mr. Mackenzie of 
Dornoch for bringing this example under my notice, and 
to His Grace the Duke of Sutherland for permitting an 
illustration to be taken from it for the proposed catalogue of 
medals connected with Scotland. 

Obv. His bust, bareheaded, to the left, as No. 5. 

Rev. 1647 



Metal, M. Size, If in. 

Artist, A. Simon. 

PL IV. No. 4. 

Sir Charles Erskine was the third son of John Earl of 
Mar and Mary, daughter of the Duke of Lennox; and 
was one of the Commissioners at the Treaty of Uxbridge 
in 1645. 



The Zeitschrift fur Nnmismatik, Bd. V. Heft I., contains Dr. 
Friedlaender's annual report on the acquisitions of the Berlin 
coin-cabinet during the year 1876 ; from which we learn that, in 
addition to the Guthrie collection of more than fifteen thousand 
Oriental coins, about three hundred Greek and Roman and about 
six hundred mediaeval and modern coins have been added to the 

Among the former we notice a new silver stater of Abdera, 
the reverse of which shows Herakles seated upon a rock in an 
attitude of repose. This coin is of the class which follow the 
Aeginetic standard. It is of the best period of art previous to 
B.C. 400. 

The tetradrachm (or rather stater) of Uranopolis in the neigh- 
bourhood of Mount Athos is a very remarkable coin. On the 
obverse are the sun, crescent moon, and five stars, and on the 
reverse the goddess Urania seated upon a globe. 

Alexarchus, the brother of Cassander, who founded this city, 
is said to have invented a new dialect, and to have made use of 
it even in his official communications with other states. 
Athenaeus (III. 98) quotes one of his letters written in this 
strange jargon, which bears somewhat the same relation to 
Greek as the language of the Jabberwok ballad in " Alice in 
Wonderland " does to English. He appears to have been 
somewhat eccentric, to say the least of it; and this eccentricity 
seems to be reflected even in the types and legends of his coins 
is unique in Greek numismatics. The weight also of the stater 
(209 grs.) is peculiar, and seems to indicate an attempt to 
restore the ancient Macedonian standard, none but coins of 
Attic weight being usual at the time when these coins must 
have been struck. 

We see also from Dr. Friedlaender's report that the Berlin 
Museum has now a complete series of Athenian gold money, 
consisting of the stater, half, fourth, sixth, and twelfth. The 
British Museum of this series possesses only staters. Berlin 
may also boast of the gold stater of Athens, with the name of 
Mithradates the Sixth a coin of extreme rarity. 

For an account of the other important acquisitions in the 



Greek, Roman, and Modern series we refer our readers j;o Dr. 
Friedlaender's paper, which will well repay a careful perusal. 

In the same number of the Zeitschrift will be found an im- 
portant article by Herr M. Bahrfeldt on the oldest Roman 
denarii, in which he proposes certain modifications in the 
chronological arrangement of Mommsen. This article should 
be mastered by all who take a serious interest in the history of 
the Roman mint, as also should the paper which follows it, by 
A. Kliigmann, on the types of the earliest Roman bigati. 

Dr. von Sallet contributes another of his interesting papers 
on remarkable Greek coins, and a second article on the silver 
coins of Barcochab, in which he endeavours to prove that the 
Jewish silver coins of the size of the denarius, usually divided 
into two classes and attributed to the two revolts of the Jews 
respectively under Nero and Hadrian, all really belong to the 
second revolt, and are unmistakably of the time of Barcochab. 
Thus he vindicates De Saulcy's opinion on this question. 

Dr. Friedlaender also has a paper on a coin with Massaliote 
types and an Etruscan legend. 

In Bd. V. Heft 2, Dr. Imhoof-Blumer treats of the coins of 
Selge and Aspendus, and, in a second paper, on re-struck 
Greek coins. Too much importance can hardly be attached to 
monuments of this nature, as they frequently afford a clue to 
a correct attribution : for example, Dr. Imhoof (p. 147) notices 
that certain bronze coins usually given to the Paeonian King 
Patraus, on account of the monogram which they bear, com- 
posed of the letters F1ATP, must be brought down nearly a 
whole century, because he has found a specimen re-struck upon 
a coin of the Macedonian King Demetrius or Antigonus. 

Dr. E. Merzbacher continues his researches in the field of 
Hebrew numismatics, and contributes to the present number a 
paper on the age of the Jewish shekels, in which, after a full 
consideration of the question, he comes to the final conclusion 
that they were struck under the authority of the first Macca- 
baean Princes shortly after the commencement of the Jewish 
autonomy, the right of coining having been granted by Antio- 
chus VII. to Simon Maccabaeus. This article will perhaps 
settle the much-contested point as to the date of this interesting 
series of coins. 

Dr. A'on Sallet has an article on the coins of Aenus, in 
Thrace, which will be read with interest by all who possess 
specimens of the noble coins of that city. The newly published 
catalogue of the coins of Thrace in the British Museum, may be 
consulted by those who have not the coins at hand. 

Dr. Friedlaender, in an article entitled, " The Schubin Find 
again," calls attention to the fact that nothing better than 


utterly untrustworthy hearsay evidence has ever been adduced 
in favour of the alleged discovery at Schubin, in the province of 
Posen, in the year 1824, of a hoard of extremely archaic 
Athenian [Euboaan ?] coins, published by Levezow in the 
"Transactions" of the Berlin Academy for 1884, and that 
there are good reasons for supposing them to have been brought 
from Macedon, where coins of this description are often found, 
by dealers who frequented the fair at Frankfurt on the Oder in 
1824. Thus fall to the ground all the hypotheses as to the 
ancient commercial intercourse between the shores of the 
Aegaean and the amber coasts, in so far, at least, as they are 
built upon a foundation as unstable as is the evidence of the 
finding of these coins in Posen. 

The Numismatische Zeitsclirift, Bd. VIII. 2tes. semester, 
contains the following articles : xi. xiv. By Dr. Otto Blau, 
on coins of Azbaal, King of Byblos ; of the Satrap Orontas ; of 
Barsine, wife of Alexander the Great ; and of the Scythian 
king Pharzoios. xv. By A. Markl, on the manner in which the 
dies of the coins of the later Roman Emperors were prepared, 
xvi. By A. Luschin Ebengreuth, on the "Vienna Pennies." 
xvii. By Dr. E. Riippell, on Medals of Physicians and Natural- 
ists. Among the notices of recent publications is a long review 
of Mr. Lane Poole's Catalogue of Arab Coins, vol. i., by 
Prof. Karabacek. 

Bd. IX. Ites. semester, opens with a long article by Dr. 
Imhoof-Blumer, on the coinage of Boaotia and the Peloponnesian 
Argos, accompanied by several woodcuts and two well-executed 
autotype plates. Dr. Otto Blau contributes a highly interesting 
paper on the Elymaean Pyraethi or Magi and their coins, and 
another on the Princes of Sophene. Roman numismatics are 
treated of by Herrn Neudeck and Kolb, mediaeval and Oriental 
by Ebengreuth, Karabacek, Rohde, and Busson.|J 

The Melanges de Numismatique, Nos. 1 and 2, 1877, con- 
tain the following articles : 

E. Muret. Coins of Lydia (Imperial). 

De Saulcy. Coins of the Third Race of the Kings of France. 

P. Lambros. Inedited coins of the Grand Masters of Rhodes 
of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. 

J. Roman. Coins of Louis I. 

P. Lambros. Inedited coin of Damala. 

J. Rouyer. Giraut Guette, treasurer of King Philip the 

De Saulcy. Inedited coins of Tryphon, struck in the coast- 
towns of Phoenicia. 


De Saulcy. New Jewish coins. 

The part concludes with correspondence, bibliography, &c. 

Parts 3 and 4, 1877, contain the following articles : 
De Saulcy. Supplementary notes on his " Numismatique de 
la Terre-Sainte." 

E. Muret. Coins of Pamphylia (Imperial). 

R. Mowat. On the pretended refusal of the Senate to re- 
cognise Otho. 

De Vogue. Coins and seals of the Crusaders. 

F. Lenorinant. On the monetary leagues and federal coins 
t)f Ancient Greece. 

P. Lambros. Inedited coins of Chios. 

La Monnaie dans Vaniiquite, legons pr<fessees dans la cha>re 
d'archeologie pres la Bibliotheque Nationale en 1875 77, par 
F. Lenormant. Vols. I. and II. Paris, 1878 (Levy). 

We do not propose to review this work on the present occa- 
sion. Suffice it to say that the two volumes already published, 
and which we have read with the utmost pleasure, have inspired 
us with a lively interest in M. Lenormant's really great under- 
taking, and we shall look forward with impatience to the com- 
pletion of the work, when we hope to review it in detail. 
Every student of numismatics should possess a copy. 

B. V. H. 



IE ! V , 


PI A T F V . 



\^&5L9a%& *- 

Ofl "3 -^Js^ 






COLONEL J. Gr. SANDEMAN has most kindly given me per- 
mission to publish in the Numismatic Chronicle a 
remarkable coin which formed part of the cabinet of the 
late Mr. G. Finlay, and which he purchased, with the 
rest of the Finlay collection, about a year ago. It may 
be described as follows : 

Obv. Quadriga, right, driven by bearded charioteer, who 
holds a goad in his right and reins in both hands. 
The horses are walking slowly in step, so that 
the quadriga has the appearance of a biga. 

Rev. Incuse square, divided into several (eight or more) 
triangular compartments, of which three or four 
are obliterated. 

Weight, 259 grs. (16-78 gr.). Size, -9 inch 
(23 mill). 

The fine archaic style of the art on the obverse is a 
proof that the coin is the work of a skilful Greek engraver 
of an early period. The reverse is of a type very preva- 



lent, especially in the islands of the Aegaean, both before 
and for some years after B.C. 500. 1 The fact that this 
tetradrachm is of Euboic weight (for we can hardly call 
Attic a weight probably not derived from Athens, whose 
commercial influence at this early period was far from 
extensive), may assist us in attributing it, as it seems to 
preclude the probability of its being a coin either of one 
of the islands to which the form of the incuse would 
perhaps have led us to ascribe it, or of the coast of Asia 
Minor. 2 

Now this Euboic weight is found in early times, and 
before its introduction can be safely ascribed to the 
influence of Athens, at the following places (exclusively 
of Eubcea and Corinth) : Acanthus, 3 Terone, 4 Scione, 5 
Mende, 6 Potidaea, 7 Olynthus, 8 Dicaea 9 (col. Eretriae), and 

1 The incuse reverses which bear the greatest resemblance 
to that of our tetradrachm are those of the silver staters of 
Aeginetic weight with two dolphins in opposite directions, 
attributed sometimes to Thasos, sometimes to Pheidon of Argos, 
B.C. 668 661 (?). Colonel Sandeman informs us that he finds 
in Finlay's MS. catalogue the following extract from a letter to 
him from M. Postolaka : " Le superbe tetradrachme archa'ique 
me semble, a cause de 1'aire creuse, de fabrique macedonienne, 
mais de quelle ville je ne puis pas preciser." Although I en- 
tirely concur with M. Postolaka's attribution, I know of no 
Macedonian coins with incuse squares of precisely the same 

2 The only silver coins of Euboic-Attic weight struck in early 
times in Asia Minor and its coasts are certain ancient coins of 
Tenedos, the Troad, Samos (?), and Lycia ; but none of these 
bear any resemblance to this tetradrachm. 

3 Brandis, p. 533. 4 Ibid., p. 540. 6 Ibid., p. 539. 
6 Ibid., p. 537. 7 Ibid., p. 539. 

8 Brandis (p. 538) quotes coins of Olynthus as of the Persic 
standard ; but this is clearly a mistake, which has arisen from 
a printer's error in the Catalogue of the North wick Sale, Lot 
579, where a coin of Olynthus is said to weigh 83 grs. : the 
true weight should be 33. 

9 " Num. Chron.," N.S., vol. xiv. p. 273, and vol. xv. p. 98. 


Aeneia, 10 all situated in the Chalcidic peninsula, and 
colonies for the most part from Euboea (Chalcis and 
Eretria) and Corinth. n At the time of the expedition of 
Xerxes they were all flourishing places, and their coinage, 
at this early date, was regulated according to the Euboic 
standard. Some of them subsequently, when they came 
under the dominion of Athens, ceased to coin money ; and 
others, such as Acanthus, Terone, Olynthus, and Aeneia, 
exchanged, probably about the time of Brasidas, the 
Attic standard for the Graeco-Asiatic or Macedonic. 
The largest silver coin thus fell from a tetradrachm of 
260 to a stater of 220 grains. 

Following, therefore, the indication afforded by the 
weight of the coin now under consideration, I would 
suggest, as its probable place of mintage, one of the above- 
mentioned Chalcidian towns ; and among them I would 
select Olynthus, for the following reason : Except in 
Sicily, agonistic types on coins are of extreme rarity, and 
at an early period Olynthus is perhaps the only town 
which places upon its coins the quadriga ("Das K. 
Miinzkabinet," Berlin, 1877, No. 291), or the winning 
horse standing beside a column (vvcra-a, rep^a), (Cadalvene, 
" Recueil," PI. I. 30). The reverse type, too, of the Olyn- 
thian coins, a flying eagle with a serpent in his claws, 
occurs also on the coins of Elis, and on both may refer, 
as a symbol of Olympian Zeus, to victories at Olympia. 

10 Brandis, p. 534. The silver coins with the head of Aeneas 
are by some numismatists given to a dynast of that name ; but 
as some of them are of archaic and others of more recent style, 
I have little doubt that they are correctly attributed by Brandis 
to Aeneia on the Thermaic Gulf. 

11 The only exceptions are Acanthus, which was a colony of 
Andros, and possibly Scione, which called itself Achaean, and 
traced its origin to warriors returning from Troy. 


It is conceivable, therefore, that an Olympian victory 
in the chariot-race may have been gained by a citizen of 
Olynthus before circ. B.C. 500, and we may consequently 
add this city to, or rather place it at the head of, the list 
of towns (all, by-the-bye, with the exception of Cyrene, 
in Sicily and Italy) given by Mr. Poole ("Transac. 
R.S.L.," N.S., vol. x. pt. iii.), on the coins of which 
Olympian victories are presumably represented or alluded 

The fabric of the tetradrachm engraved above is, 
indeed, very different from that of the tetradrachm of 
Olynthus with the flying eagle on the reverse. It is 
much thicker and less spread but this may be ac- 
counted for by its being undoubtedly of an earlier 
period. A similar change from a lumpy fabric to a 
flatter one is perceptible, though to a less degree, on 
coins of Thasos, 12 Lete, and other places in Macedon. 
The coins of the lumpy fabric I would give to the 
end of the sixth century, those of the flat fabric to the 
first half of the fifth. 13 

If the above suggestions as to the place and the time 
of the issue of Col. Sandeman's tetradrachm be accepted, 
it is evident that Olynthus must have been a Hellenic 
city before it fell into the possession of the Bottiseans, 
who were in garrison there in B.C. 479, when Artabazus, 
on his return from the Hellespont after the retreat of 
Xerxes, besieged them and put them to death on the 

B. M. Cat. Gr. Coins. Thrace. P. 216. 

13 The coins of the lumpy fabric are frequently, though not 
always, to be distinguished from those of the flat fabric by a 
diagonal division of the incuse square upon the reverse ; the 
incuse square upon the latter being generally divided at right 


banks of the neighbouring lagoon or marsh, called 
Bolyca ("Herod.," viii. 127; "Athen.," viii. c. 3), 
delivering up their city to the Chalcidians, under Crito- 
bulus of Terone. 

The fine archaic tetradrachm which I now make known 
is, therefore, in my opinion, a specimen of an Hellenic 
and probably Chalcidian coinage before this Bottiasan 
occupation, which can only have been temporary ; while 
the flat and somewhat coarser tetradrachm, with a 
quadriga on the obverse and the flying eagle on the 
reverse, probably represents the period about B.C. 479 
when the Chalcidians were restored by Artabazus. 




IT is a fact which does credit to the political genius of the 
great Alexander, that the princes who ruled over frag- 
ments of his dominions in Asia and Africa after his death 
by no means lost their nationality, but claimed through- 
out to be Greeks, and acknowledged a real tie binding 
them to Hellas and Macedon. To reunite under their 
own rule the dominions of Alexander was the dream of 
all Alexander's generals and their children ; and in par- 
ticular Macedonia, the cradle of the race, was the country 
which the Greek princes of Asia and Africa longed to 
have under their sway ; the master of Macedon being 
considered, until the Romans made that district into a 
province of their own, the first potentate in the world 
de jure if not de facto the representative of Hellas to the 

Thrice did the Seleucid kings of Syria advance preten- 
sions to the Macedonian throne. Seleucus I. himself was 
the first to do so, and had already landed in Europe to 
march upon Macedon, when he fell by the dagger of 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, in 280 B.C. It is likely that some of 
his coins were struck in or for Macedon, but these cannot 
be determined or separated, the whole character of his 


coinage being, as was natural, purely Macedonian. After 
his death Antiochus I., his son, maintained the claim to 
Macedon in opposition to the murderer of his father, 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, and to his brother-in-law, Antigonus 
Gonatas, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes. We learn from 
fragments of the Greek historians, that naval battles were 
fought between Antigonus and Antiochus. From a state- 
ment of Trogus Pompeius, it would appear that most of 
the land fighting took place in Asia. But that the whole 
took place there we are in no position to state. On the 
other hand we find traces, although not of a very decisive 
character, of the influence and power of Antiochus in 
Europe. In the year 279 the town of Cassandrea, in the 
Chalcidic Peninsula, was under the dominion of a tyrant 
named Apollodorus, among whose acts it is recorded that 
he expelled from the city Lachares, who had once been 
tyrant of Athens, on the ground that he was plotting to 
deliver Cassandrea into the hands of Antiochus. 1 As 
Cassandrea is on the sea-coast, it is by no means impos- 
sible that the object of the contemplated act of treachery 
was to hand over the city to the fleet of Antiochus, which 
we know to have been in those waters; but still it is 
unlikely that the surrender of Cassandrea would have 
been contemplated by any one unless Antiochus was 
already in possession of some points on the continent of 

In the following year, when all the states of Greece 
flew to arms to save their country from a threatened in- 
vasion by the Gallic swarms led by Brennus, and sent a 
confederate army to guard the pass of Thermopylae, 
Antiochus contributed towards that army a contingent of 

Polyaenus, vi. 7. 


five hundred men under Telesarchus, a general who much 
distinguished himself in the defence of the pass. To 
Pyrrhus also, when he was about to sail for Italy, Antio- 
chus sent a money present. In all these transactions he 
appears as a European, not as an Asiatic ruler. Further, 
it is recorded in an extant inscription from Delphi, 2 that 
the Delphians sent on two occasions an embassy to Antio- 
chus. Boeckh supposes the occasion of these two em- 
bassies to be the solemnisation by the king of games, such 
as Soteria or Daphnaea ; bat it would appear from the in- 
scription that the Delphians had favours for their city and 
temple to ask of Antiochus, and were very grateful to one 
Dicaearchus, of Laodicea, who pleaded their cause with 
the king. It is hard to see how Antiochus could be of 
any service to the town of Delphi, whatever may be said 
as to the temple, unless he had had power in Europe. 

After the defeat of Ptolemy by the Gauls and his death, 
the war was renewed between the remaining competitors, 
but finally Antiochus found himself compelled to relin- 
quish the throne of Macedon to Antigonus. 

We can scarcely be wrong in supposing that the series 
of copper pieces represented in the plate Nos. 1 to 7, 
were issued by Antiochus I. at the time that he was 
aspiring to the Macedonian throne. That they were 
actually minted in Macedonia or in Europe we cannot 
say, but the fabric has a European appearance. The 
type of the obverse of Nos. 1 to 3, the Macedonian 
buckler, is very usual in the coinage of Macedon at this 
period, and adopted by the various competitors for 
dominion, each of whom placed on the boss of the shield 
his own badge or monogram. Cities frequently placed 

2 Boeckh, C. I.," 1693. 


their symbol in the same position. The thunderbolt of 
Nos. 4 and 5 is also a Macedonian type. 

The most curious peculiarity of the whole set of these 
coins and that which connects them all together, is the 
occurrence of the club, the jawbone of a boar, and the 
two monograms f^ p*] throughout. The jawbone, in 
particular, scarcely ever appears on coins except of 
Aetolia or cities belonging to the Aetolian league. The 
club is also Aetolian. We should scarcely have hesitated 
to ascribe all the coins to Aetolian mints but for the testi- 
mony of history, which represents the Aetolians as in this 
war allies not of Antiochus, but of Antigonus. Our his- 
torical data, on the other hand, are so slight that it may 
be doubted whether the Aetolians did not at some time 
form an alliance with Antiochus, an alliance commemo- 
rated by these coins. In any case they are a memorial of 
Antiochus's pretensions to the rule over Macedon. 
- These coins I must describe briefly : 

1. Obv. Macedonian shield ; on boss, anchor. 

Rev. BAZIAEHZ ANTIOXOY. Horned elephant, 
to right. In field O H 

2. Same inscr. and types ; in field f$, club, jawbone. 

3. Same types ; inscription shortened to BA AN ; nothing 

in field. 

4. Obv. Head of Zeus, to the right, laur. 

R*>. BAZIAEHZ ANTIOXOY. Thunderbolt; in 
field f^, club, jawbone. 

5. Same types ; inscription shortened to BA AN ; nothing 

in field. 

6. Obv. Head of Apollo, to the right, laur. 

Eev. BAZIAEHZ ANTIOXOY. Tripod lebes ; in 
field PI. 

7. Same types ; in field f^, club, strung bow. 



Antiochus Theos, son and successor of Antioclms Soter, 
was a man given to wine and faA'ourites, who lost by sloth 
political advantages which his father had won by talent 
and conduct. He did not, however, entirely abandon his 
ancestral claims to territory in Europe. Droysen is dis- 
posed to think that he fought a campaign in Thrace, and, 
piecing together a number of scattered fragments of lost 
historians, produces reasons for thinking that he con- 
ducted a siege of Byzantium, which siege he was induced 
to raise by the fear that the people of Heraclea, in Bithy- 
nia, would join the enemy with their triremes. 3 This war 
Droysen places in the period 262 258 B.C., but its very 
occurrence is a matter of so little certainty that we need 
scarcely be particular as to its date. 

The reign of Seleucus II., who succeeded Antiochus 
Theos, was so disturbed by war and revolt that he had small 
leisure for any thought save of preserving the Asiatic 
dominions which were fast slipping out of the grasp of 
the Seleucidae. Under Antiochus III., however, together 
with a general renovation of the vigour of the Empire, 
there was a revival of the traditional designs of the race 
on Greece and Macedonia. Antiochus the Great ascended 
the throne of Syria in the year 222 B.C. His first efforts 
were devoted to the putting down of usurpers and the 
prosecution of designs upon Egypt. But after Philip Y. 
of Macedon had been humbled by the arms of Rome, 
Antiochus began to meditate conquests in Europe, chiefly 
with a view to staying the constantly encroaching might 
of Rome, but partly also with the intention of acquiring 
predominant power in European Greece, and driving 
Philip out of Macedon. At this time, B.C. 192, Hannibal 

3 Droysen, " Geschichte der Epigonen," 1877, p. 314, 


was at the court of Antiochus, stimulated by his life- 
long hatred of the Roman name, urging upon the king 
measures which, if the latter had been able to take advice, 
might have saved him from destruction and worked ruin 
to Rome. While Antiochus was considering the plan of 
a campaign envoys arrived from the Aetolian league, then 
at the height of its power. At the head of the legation 
was Thoas, who offered the king, as Appian writes, the 
post of general with absolute power (auro^parwp o-TparT/yo's) 
of the Aetolian league, and begged him to sail at once for 
Greece and not await the arrival of reinforcements from 
further Asia, the forces of the Aetolians and those of 
Lacedaemon being likely to be strengthened by the 
accession of Philip of Macedon. Livy makes the speaker 
Dicaearchus, brother of Thoas, but agrees as to the 
substance of the speech. 

In B.C. 192 Antiochus set sail from the Troad with a 
comparatively small force of 10,000 infantry, 500 cavalry, 
and six elephants. He first touched at the island of Imbros, 
then at Sciathus. It is, perhaps, worthy of remark that 
the city of Hephaestia, in the island of Lemnos, close to 
Imbros, issued just at this period copper coins bearing 
portraits of a diademed king, who may very probably be 
Antiochus himself. 4 The forces of Antiochus landed at 
Demetrias, in Thessaly. He himself proceeded to Chalcis, 
in Euboea, and received the submission of the whole 
island. The allies who were ready in Greece to welcome 
him were the following : Aetolians, Boeotians, Acar- 
nanians, Magnetes, the people of Messenia and Elis, and 
Amynander, king of the Athamanes, a foolish prince who 

* " Brit. Mus. Cat. Greek Coins." Thrace, &c., p. 213, 
No. 6. 


cherished hopes of securing for himself the throne of 
Macedon, and whose accession cost Antiochus dear, as it 
estranged from his cause Philip of Macedon. The latter 
prince, after long hesitancy, preferred the more powerful 
alliance of his conquerors the Romans, and the Achaean 
league took the same side. 

Meantime, in the same winter, B.C. 192 191, Antio- 
chus marched through Boeotia into Thessaly. Passing 
Cynoscephalae, he found still lying unburied the bodies of 
the Macedonians who had fallen in the great battle there, 
and had them honourably interred, a proceeding which 
tended much to ingratiate him with the people of Mace- 
don, but by no means with their king, to whom by this 
act he put himself in direct and open rivalry, and who, 
therefore, embraced with more fervour than before the 
Roman alliance. The Syrian monarch reduced many 
cities of Thessaly, among others Pherae, Scotussa, and 
Crannon, but suffering a repulse before Larissa, fell back 
to Demetrias, where he put his troops into winter quar- 
ters, sending home the Aetolians and Athamanes. Antio- 
chus himself passed the remainder of the winter at Chalcis, 
in Euboea, and there, in spite of his fifty years, and the 
serious nature of the contest in which he was engaged, 
fell in love with and married a beautiful native of the 
place, the daughter of one Cleoptolemus, whom he named 
Euboea. The solemnisation of this marriage was attended 
with splendid shows and games, of which more will be 
said presentl} 7 . In the early spring of 191 B.C. the king 
crossed over to the mainland, and, joining his forces with 
those of the Aetolians, marched to Thermopylae, but at 
that memorable spot received so severe a defeat at the 
hands of the Roman consul Manius Acilius, that he at 
once abandoned in despair not Greece only, but even his 


strong posts in the Thracian Chersonese, and fled to 
Ephesus with his young bride. 

The first coins which I have to bring forward as memo- 
rials of the European campaign of Antiochus bear the 
name of the Aetolians. 

Obi\ Head of Antiochus, to the right, wearing oak wreath 
entwined with diadem. 

Rev. AlTnAflN. Warrior standing, to the left, 
crowned with wreath, having chlamys wrapped 
round arm, Aetolian causia slung round his neck, 
and sword round his body ; holds in right, spear ; 
right foot on rock. 

(Plate V., Nos. 8, 9. Weight, 158-4, 151-6 grains.) 

The reasons for the present attribution of these pieces 
are numerous. The portrait presents a general similarity 
to that on the Syrian coins of Antiochus III. And in 
the history of the Aetolian league we do not find 
another instance in which they elected a general with 
absolute powers (avroKparcop o-rpar^yos) ; the ordinary gene- 
rals of the league did not, we know, place their portraits 
on the coinage ; as dictator, Antiochus probably felt him- 
self in a position to make an exception to this rule. More 
definite reasons will appear on comparison of the following 
piece of Carystus, in Euboea. 

Obv. Head of Antiochus, to the right, wearing oak-wreath 
entwined with diadem. 

Rev. KAPYZTlJQN. Nike, to the left, in biga, holds 
palm and reins. 

(Plate V., No. 12. Weight, 98-5 grains.) 
That the portrait on this piece is the same as that on 


the above-cited coins of Aetolia would appear probable on 
first inspection, especially on comparison of No. 10 on plate, 
which represents a coin preserved at the Hague, and pub- 
lished by Dr. Imhoof-Blumer. 5 And this probability is 
raised to the rank of a certainty when we observe the re- 
markable character of the wreath which encircles the 
king's head on both coins, and is in both cases intertwined 
with the regal diadema. Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, indeed, 
maintains that the wreath in question is no wreath, but a 
" von einem Band umwundene Binde," a twisted taenia, 
like that worn by Zeus on the coins of Odessus, and Posei- 
don on the coins of Hiero II., of Syracuse. He can, 
however, scarcely be right ; for in the Museum coin the 
ends of the diadem are distinct ; and both on the Museum 
coin and that of the Hague we may see leaves of a serrated 

Wreaths intertwined with the diadema are not of ex- 
tremely rare occurrence on coins. Two monarchs con- 
temporary with Antiochus III., Attalus I., of Pergamum, 
and Ptolemy IV., of Egypt, wear upon their coins wreaths 
respectively of laurel and of ivy so entwined. The border 
on many tetradrachms of Alexander Bala is formed of a 
laurel wreath and a diadem intertwined. 

If the portrait bearing this peculiar wreath had been 
found on the coins of Aetolia only, we might possibly 
have supposed it to represent Attalus I., of Pergamum, 
who was general of the Aetolians in 209 B.C., but he had 
nothing, so far as we know, to do with Euboea. The 
only instance in history of a close connection between 
Aetolia and Euboea was when Antiochus III., the general 
of the Aetolians, passed the winter at Chalcis. It should 

' " Zeitschrift fur Numismatik," 1876, p. 304. 


be added that Attalus had a colleague in the office, 
Antiochus had none. 

The details of the types of the coin of Carystus are 
interesting, and all explicable by the circumstances of 
Antiochus' residence in Euboea. All the historians state 
that the great event of his stay was his marriage and 
a series of games and ceremonies on that occasion. The 
chariot driven by Victory, which occupies the reverse of 
our coin, doubtless commemorates the nuptial games, in 
which the king may have won the chariot race, as he 
probably would. It is even likely that the oak wreath 
which is here entwined with the diadem on the head of 
Antiochus has an agonistic meaning, being in all likeli- 
hood the reward of victory in the race. To establish this 
conjecture I must cite another coin. 

Obv. Head of a queen as Hera, to the right, veiled. 

quadriga, holds torch and reins ; all in oak 

(Plate V., No. 11. Weight, 254'5 grains.) 

The head on this piece is an idealized portrait, and we 
can scarcely be wrong in supposing it to represent the 
young bride Euboea, though in the character of Hera, 
goddess of matrimony, and chief divinity of the island of 
Euboea. The oak wreath of the reverse is agonistic, and 
confirms what is above said as to the probable nature of 
the prize in the games, which doubtless attracted com- 
petitors from all parts of the island. 

The name of Xenocrates does not occur in history in 
connection with Chalcis or Antiochus ; but it is, perhaps, 
worthy of remark that we find in Livy's narrative of the 
war with Antiochus, the name of Xenoclides as that of 


one of the principal citizens of Cbalcis. Livy's Xeno- 
clides may not impossibly be the Xenocrates of our coin ; 
but, of course, this is merely a guess, a conjecture which 
is without means of proof. 

There are copper coins of Chalcis nearly contempo- 
raneous with these silver pieces, though bearing a different 
magistrate's name. 

Obv. XAAKI. Quadriga driven by female figure. 
Ifei'. OEOKAHZ PIAYZANIOY in laurel wreath. 

Of these pieces I can give no account, but I would con- 
jecture that they must have been minted on a different 
occasion, as the magistrate's name is changed, and a 
laurel wreath takes the place of the oak wreath. 

Such are the only coins which seem to bear testimony 
to the direct rule of Antiochus III. in Greece, but there 
are many others which testify to his influence and power. 
Among the latter it is sufficient to mention the well- 
known tetradrachms of Athens, which bear as well as the 
name of Antiochus his well-known symbol the elephant. 
In the copper coinage also of the various cities of Euboea 
we find the veiled head of a queen, which seems copied 
from that on our tetradrachm, and the same type is re- 
peated on copper pieces of the Athamanes, which must 
almost certainly have been issued during the reign of 
King Amynander. 

To these well-known coins, which show traces of the 
influence of Antiochus, I have to add one issued by the 
people of Acarnania, and hitherto, I believe, unpub- 

rtir. AKAPNANHN. Head of Apollo, to the right, 


Iifv. 0YjQN. Artemis running, to the right, holding 
torch ; in front Seleucid anchor ; all in oak 

(Brit. Mus. Weight, 113'3 grains. Plate V., No. 18.) 

This remarkable and perhaps unique coin is from the 
collection of Subhi Pacha. It presents in all respects a 
deviation from the ordinary coinage of Acarnania. The 
weight would appear to follow the Attic standard, while 
the other coins of Acarnania are of heavier weight. The 
type of the obverse is the head of Apollo in place of that 
of the Acheloiis ; and on the reverse we find Artemis 
instead of the seated Apollo Actius. The circumstances 
which testify to Syrian influence are the anchor and the 
oak wreath of the reverse. Of these the former is spe- 
cially distinctive ; the anchor is at this period used as a 
symbol almost or quite exclusively by the Seleucidae and 
their imitators. Of the oak wreath I have spoken above. 

Livy tells us 6 that " Mnasilochus, a chief man (princeps) 
of the Acarnanians, won over by heavy bribes, brought 
over to the king's side not only the nation, but even 
Clytus, the general or prgetor who was then in power." 
Clytus and Mnasilochus conspired together to admit the 
forces of Aiitiochus into the city of Medeon. As soon as 
he was inside, the king made a reassuring speech which 
brought to his cause the support of some peoples of 
Acarnania. But the people of Thyrrheum shut their 
gates against him, and, being promptly assured of Roman 
support, opposed the king until he was compelled to 
march back across Boeotia to Chalcis. It is clear that at 
this time the Acarnanian league was divided against 
itself ; the inland cities under the general of the league, 

6 Book 36, c. 11, 12. 



Clytus, supporting Antiochus, while Leucas, Thyrrheum, 
and other cities of the coast held out for Rome. To 
such a time an exceptional coin such as that which 
concerns us would naturally be attributed. The party 
headed by the Strategus Clytus would naturally wish 
to issue money, but as the mint of the league was 
probably at Leucas, in the hands of the enemy, such 
money must needs be of an exceptional character. 
It only remained to give an extra sanction to it by 
imprinting on it the Seleucid anchor. As to the name 
Thyon, which occurs on the reverse of our piece, there 
is nothing to be said ; but it should be pointed out that 
it is extremely unlikely that the magistrate's name occur- 
ring on coins like those of the Acarnanian league, is that 
of the general for the time being. It may, perhaps, be 
the name of the priest of Apollo Actius, for decrees issued 
by the Acarnanians in session begin 7 'ETTI tepaTroXov ra> 
'ATToAXam 'AKTUO <iA7y/x.oros, or more probably still it may 
be the name of some obscure moneyer who was respon- 
sible for the weight and fineness of the coin. At any 
rate, the absence of the names of Clytus and Mnasilochus 
can form no objection to my attribution of the coin. 


7 Boeckh, " C. I.," vol. ii. ab in it. 



" "En ad sum cutus numen unicum, multiformi specie, ritu vario, 
nomine multiiugo, totus veneratur orbis." APUL. MET., xi. 

MONSIEUR W. H. WADDTNGTON a classe a Abd-Hadad, 
dynaste d'Hierapolis en Syrie, deux monnaies en argent 
de la collection de Luynes, sur lesquelles se lit, outre le 
nom du dynaste, celui de la deesse syrienne Atergatis. 1 
Deux autres monnaies, qui font partie de ma collection, 
viennent enrichir la serie monetaire, si restreinte jusqu'ici, 
de la ville sainte des syriens et fournissent quelques 
nouveaux details sur la grande deesse veneree aux bords 
de FEuphrate. C'est ce qui m'engage a publier ces 
monuments curieux et a y joindre quelques observations 
au sujet des pieces analogues deja publiees. 

Voici la description de toutes ces monnaies : 

1. Tete a droite d'une deesse, les cheveux retrousses et 
rattaches par un lien au soxnrnet de ia tete, avec 
pendants d'oreille et double collier tres-orne. 
Derriere &Sf\l\V (fc nn37), dessus A ? 

Eev. Lion attaquant un taureau courant a gauche. Des- 
sus M4S?-H L - P 1202 ^), Alexandre; dessous 
Lj (~T). Grenetis au pourtour. 

1 " Revue Numism.," 1861, p. 9, PL II. 1, 2. 


JR. 5. 8" grammes. Didrachme attique fourre. 
Collection de Luynes ; " Satrap, et Phonic.," 
p. 97, PL XVI. 1 ; Brandis, " Muenzw. in Yor- 
derasien," p. 430; Blau, " Nuuiism. Zeit- 
schr.," viii. 1876, p. 234. 2 

2. Baal assis a g. sur un siege sans dossier. Devant lui 

thyiniaterion. II tient de la g. un sceptre, de la 
dr. des epis ? Devant / (fc) et o ?, derriere 
"naosbs, comme sur le didrachme precedent. 

Rev. Deesse vetue d'une longue robe, plissee au bas ; la 
tete couverte d'un voile, qui lui descend jusqu'a la 
ceinture et assise sur un lion qui, la gueule beante, 
est debout a gauche, tient de la g. leve'e un objet 
incertain (trois epis ou trois fleurs ? 3 ). Devant 

astre, derriere - (> nn37). Devant le lion 

A. Grenetis. PL VI. No. 2. 
^i. 5. 7 80 gr. Didrachme fourre. Ma collection. 

Autre, 7 90 gr. Lenormant, Catal. Behr. n. 681, 
grave a rebours PL II. 1 ; De Vogue, " Journ. 
Asiat,," x. 1867, p. 131 ; " Melanges d'Archeol. 
Orient.," p. 47, vignette. Sur cet exem- 
plaire le nom d'Atexandre n'est pas lisible, la 
deesse parait tenir une croix ansee et sou nom. 
est lu nay par MM. Lenormant et de Vogue. 

3, Buste drape de face d'une deesse, les cheveux epars et en 

desordre, avec un collier de perles. A gauche 
(30) et ^/^Sl' (nnJWO*). Grenetis. 

Rev. Personnage, la tete couverte d'une tiare basse, la 
main dr. levee, debout a dr. dans un char a deux 
chevaux conduit par un aurige, qui porte une 
coiffure identique. Dessus jfj ^ ^ (Tl 1 ' . ,) 4 La 
ligne de 1'exergue est double. Grenetis. ^ (]) 
en contremarque sur la cuisse du eheval. 

2 La lecon ^2"13, proposee par M. Blau, ne me semble pas 
pouvoir etre admise, parce qu'elle est en contradiction avec la 
legende du second didrachme. 

3 De Vogiie, " Melang.," p. 69. 

4 La legende ne peut gucre avoir consiste en plus de cinq 


Al. 5. 7 95 gr. Ma collection. C'est a 1'amitie de 
M. Imhoof-Bluiner, que je dois cette precieuse 
monnaie qu'il venait d'acquerir et qu'il a bien 
voulu me ceder. PI. VI. No. 3. 

4. Buste drape a gauche d'Atergatis, coiffee d'un calathos' 

tres-orne, les cheveux nattes tombant sur ses 
epaules, avec collier de perles. Derriere n O 
(30), devant /\/-,. . . . (nnsnTO). Grenetis. 

Rev. Le bige du didrachme precedent tourne a g. Le 
personnage dans le char porte la cidaris crenelee 
et un ample vetement. Dessus Tim^E. Gre- 

N en contremarque sur la cuisse du cheval. 

M. 5. 8 50 gr. Collection de Luynes, " Revue 
Num.," 1850, p. 130, PI. XI. ; Waddington, 
" Revue Num.," 1861, p. 9, PL II. 2 ; Head, 
" Coins of Lydia and Persia," p. 44, PI. III. 
10; Brandis, p. 431. PI. VI. No. 4. 

5. Buste de face d'Atergatis, coiffee du calathos orne de cre- 

neaux en pierreries, 6 les cheveux nattes tombant 
sur ses epaules, avec collier de perles. A g. 

HO (30), a dr. nnsnro. 

Rev. Pretre barbu, vetu d'une longue robe et coiffe d'un 
bonnet conique ceint d'un diademe, qui en 
depend, se tient debout a g., la main dr. levee, 
devant un thymiaterion, dans un temple distyle. 
Derriere lui Tirm^ et \J (la ?) 

M. 5. 6 73 gr. Didrachme fourre. Coll. de Luynes, 
"Choix de Monn. Grecq.," PL XI. 24, 
" Satrap.," p. 89, PL V. ; Waddington, ''Revue 
Num.," 1861, p. 9, PL II. 1 ; Brandis, p. 431. 

5 Macrob., " Sat." i. 17, 67. 

6 La remarque de Gesenius dans son lexique, que la significa- 
tion premiere de rhlPEtp, creneaux, est rayons solaires, m'induit 
a penser que les rayons qu'Atergatis portait autour de la 
tete, d'apres Lucien, " Dea Syria," c. 32, KOL ITTI rrj Ke(j)a\rj 
aKTlvas re 0ope'et KOL Trvpyov, etc., avaient la forme de cre*neaux, 
tels qu'on les voit en effet entourer le haut du calathos sur ce 
cinquieme didrachme. 


L'attribution de tous ces didrachmes a Bambyce est, 
sinon certaine, au moins tres-probable. Le culte d'Ater- 
gatis e*tait tellement concentre dans cette ville sainte, 
qu' encore sous les empereurs remains le nom de la deesse 
syrienne s'y lit sur presque toutes les monnaies. On 
retrouve aussi sur ces bronzes le type de la deesse assise 
eur le lion que montre le second didrachme. 

Une autre preuve est fournie par le costume d'Abd- 
Hadad sur le cinquieme didrachme. II est vetu exacte- 
ment comme 1'etaient les grands-pretres de Bambyce 7 et 
puisqu'il n'est pas douteux qu'Abd-Hadad etait grand- 
pretre d'Atergatis et en outre dynaste d'une ville en 
Syrie, il serait difficile de trouver une autre ville que 
Bambyce, ou il ait pu etre investi de cette double 

Les deux premiers didrachmes sont contemporains. 
Les legeudes sont les memes. Les types du droit de Tun 
et du revers de 1'autre ont etc copies d'apres ceux des 
stateres ciliciens aux legendes T~inb2?n et ^"1T?2 CD, 8 frappes 
du temps des derniers rois de Perse, et puisque le nom 
d'Alexandre a e*te reconnu dans Tinscription ")l3DDbs par 
Levy, 9 Brandis 10 et par M. Blau, 11 ces didrachmes ap- 
partiennent a Tepoque entre 333 et 311, que ce soit 
Alexandre le Grand ou bien son fils Aegus qui soit 
designe par la legende. 

Brandis a le premier donne la transcription du nom de 
la deesse, qu'il lit tannr. Cette epigraphe se decompose 
en nnr, A the et to. Athe a ete reconnue comme le nom 

7 Lucian., I.e., c. 42. 

8 De Luynes, " Satr.," PI. IV., V., n. 18 ; Brandis, p. 430. 

9 " Zeitschr. d. D. Morg. Gesellsch.," xviii. p. 102 1 . 

10 Brandis, p. 430. 

11 " Num. Zeitschr.," viii., 1876, p. 235. 


d'une divinite par M. le Conite M. de Yogiie 12 et par 
d'autres orientalistes, 13 dans les noms propres SWOT = 
Za/35ea0t/9, ^naTO et npBTO = ' AOyaKapos, fournis par 
les inscriptions de Palmyre 14 et dans la terminaison du 
nom d'Atergatis. Athe est mentionnee sous la forme VI37 
dans le fragment syriaque de Meliton, public par 
M. Cureton, 15 comme un personnage mystique de 1'Adia- 
bene, que les Syriens adoraient. 

ta me semble etre 1'initiale de nnito, bonne, bienveil- 
lante, epithete qui convient parfaitement a la de"esse 
syrienne que Movers a demontre avoir ete veneree sous le 
nom de Bona Dea. 16 (nsi)lD HTO est done ' Array a6}j, 
Atta la bonne. 17 Le ID place dans le champ du droit 
devant Baal doit etre explique de la meme maniere. 
Dans beaucoup descriptions palmyreennes, 18 la divinite 
n'est designee que par wanmi 2E, le bon et le miseri- 
cordieux, et si 1'inscription n. 3 rend les mots 

nn^nnrbi wrbp b)nDb()b par 

teal Tv\ij Qai/jLtios KCLI ('A.Tep)yaTei Trarpwots OBOLS, 
c'est que les dieux n'etaient bons et bienfaisants que pour 
le peuple qui leur etait consacre. 

Une forme grecque du nom d'Athe semble avoir ete 
Fern?. C'est ce qui parait ressortir du passage d'Anti- 

12 " Syrie centrale, Inscr. Semit.," p. 11, 63. 

13 Noeldeke, Z. d. D. M. G.," xxix. p. 92. 

14 <4 Inscr. Semit.," n. 5, 19, 63, 76, 107 ; 30; 66. 

15 Kenan, Mem. sur Sanchoniathon, " Acad. d. Inscr.," xxiii. 
2, p. 322325. 

16 Movers, " Phcen.," i. p. 307, 600 ; v. Steph. Byz., s. v. 
AaoStKeta. aOas St 6 Oeos . . OVTOJS ^tAcay. 

17 Hesychius: 'Arrayddty, 'A6apa Trapa rw SavOu. C'est ainsi 
que je m' explique le changeinent de 'A.rrapa.&-q, v. Noeldeke, 
I.e., p. 109, en 'Arrayn^. 

lb "Inscr. Semit," n. 73118. 


pater de Tarse conservee par Athenee. 19 Car si la deesse 
n'avait pas etc* nominee Gatis aussi bien qu'Atergatis, la 
plaisauterie n'aurait eu aucune raison d'etre et Anti- 
pater n'aurait pu soutenir, meme pour se moquer des 
Syriens, que le noin d'Atergatis ne provenait que d'une 

M. de Vogue voit dans Athe un derive de n37, terapus 
opportunum, qui designerait un genie bienfaisant, sorte 
de Bonus Eventus. 20 Mais le nom de la grande deesse des 
Syriens doit avoir une signification moins restreinte et 
d'un ordre plus eleve. Une autre explication, deja en- 
trevue par Levy, 21 m'a ete communiquee par M. M. J. de 
Goeje. nnv, Atta, est une forme contracted de nn337, 
Anata, Antuv, feminin de Anu, 22 le dieu babylonien que 
Damascius place a la tete de la triade des grands dieux 
'Ayo?, "IXXtyo? et 'AoV 23 

Cette explication me semble en tous points conforme 
aux donnees historiques. Lorsque le roi d'Egypte 
Ramses II conclut avec Khetasar, le grand chef des 

19 Athen., "Deipn.," viii. 37, p. 346. ' AvTiTrarpos 6 
Atyecr^ou 0r/o~c Trpos Ttvwv, ort Farts f] TOJV 2v 
oi/rcos 7jv oi/^o^)ayos, <2<TT Kr]pvai arcp TartSos ^Bev 

VTT' dyvotas oe TOVS TroXXoO? avrrjv JJLEV 'Arepyartj/ 6i/o/xa^etv, i 
Se aTTt'^eo-^at. 

20 "Inscr. Semit.," p. 11. II y a encore une forme mas- 
culine NH37 et P&, qui est rendue en Grec par v E^aos et 
peut-etre par "A^as, v. Noeldeke, " Zeitschr. d. D. Morg. 
Gesellsch.," xxiv. p. 92 1 , et Meier, ibid., xxxi. p. 731. 

21 "Phoen. Stud.," iv. p. 7 ; v. cependant Lenormant, " Cos- 
mog. de Berose," p. 120. 

22 Schrader, " Zeitschr. d. D. M. Gesell.," xxvii. p. 404 ; 
Lenormant, "Stud. d. Syllab. Cuneif.," 1877, p. 13 ; " Cos- 
niogr. de Berose," p. 148. Le nom etrusque d'Aphrodite, 
Turan, serait Tur Anu, fille d'Anu, d'apres M. Finzi, " Antich. 
Assira," p. 505. 

23 Damascius, "De pr. princip.," p. 125; Finzi, p. 467; 
Leuormant, p. 65. 


Khetas, le celebre traite de paix, les deux principales 
divinites des Syriens, mentionnees dans le document, sont 
Set et Antarta. 24 La premiere moitie de ce nom, An- 
tarta, repond a nar. En meme temps les monuments 
de la XYIII me dynastie egyptienne donnent les images 
de Set et d'Anta ou Anata, dont le culte avait etc 
introduit de Syrie en Egypte sous les Ramessides. Sous 
le nom d' Anata la deesse est figuree, sur ces steles, 
assise, vetue et armee ; 25 sous le nom de Qadesch et de Ken 
elle est de face et debout sur un lion, 26 comme elle est 
assise sur cet animal au revers du second didrachme. 

Enfin sous le regne de Ptolemee Soter une inscription 
bilingue de Lapithos en Chypre commence ainsi : D N n TO 
na^b, ce que le texte grec rend par AOHNAI ZHTHPI 
NIKHI, d'ou Ton pourrait deduire, que le mot 'A6ava 
etait considere alors comme une inversion de 'Aj/a0a. 27 

Anta ou Atta est done bien 1'ancien et le principal nom 
de la deesse syrienne et c'est par 1'addition de celui de la 
grande deesse des Assyriens Istar, qu'a ete forme le nom 
d'Atergatis, qui etait le plus connu du temps de Strabon, 28 
de Pline, 29 et de Macrobe, 30 et que donne une inscription 
bilingue de Palmyre. 31 Car M. Noeldeke a constate, 32 

24 Chabas, " Voyage d'un Egyptien," p. 338, 343. Antarta 
(? rm na^) est rendu en Grec par 'AOapa, Hesych. s. v. 
'ATTa.ya.6r). Strabo, xvi. 4, 27. 

25 De Vogue, " Melang.," p. 45 ; Lajard, " Culte de Venus," 

26 Lajard, I.e., PL XIV. F., " Culte du cypres," PL XL, et 
surtout p. 167182. 

27 De Vogue, " Melang.," p. 3676 ; Levy, " Phoen. Stud.," 
iv., p. 6, 7. 

28 Strabon, xvi. 1, 27 ; 4, 27. 

29 Plin., " H. N. V.," 23, 19. 
30 Macrob., "Sat."!. 23,18. 

31 " Inscr. Semit.," n. 8. 

32 " Zeitschr. d. D. M. G.," xxiv. p. 92. 



que -ITO est la forme arame'enne re"guliere pour 
qui se trouve dans le nom du dieu Moabite ttfttinnitf^ de 
la stele de Dhiban e"rigee par le roi Me"sa de Moab 33 et ce 
nom -intpy, devenu mnttfr, Astarte, par 1'addition de la 
terminaison feminine, 34 est la transcription exacte de 
1'assyrien Istar. C'est done peut-etre lorsque les rois 
d'Assyrie eurent conquis le territoire des Hettites de 
Syrie et quand Bambyce fut devenu une ville assyrienne, 
que la de"esse syrienne recut le double nom Istar- Anata 
ou Atergatis. Ceci pouvait se faire d'autant plus aisement 
que les rapports entre Istar et Anat etaient si intimes, 35 
qu'Istar est nominee directement Spouse d'Anu dans un 
texte traduit par GK Smith. 36 De M vient aussi que les 
poissons Etaient consacres a Atergatis, 37 car Anu est re- 
presente sur les bas-reliefs assyriens, comme le decrivent 
I3e"rose et Helladius, moitie" poisson et moitie homme. 38 

33 K. Schlottmann, " Zeitschr. d. D. M. G.," xxiv. p. 649. 

34 V. cependant Lenormant, 1. c., p. 117. Suivant M. Fr. 
Delitzsch dans G. Smith's " Chaldaeische Genesis," 1876, p. 
273 280, le mot Istar n'est pas d'origine Semitique, mais a 
ete emprunte, comme tant d'autres mots, a Fidiome de la popu- 
lation primitive de la Chaldee. 

35 Gelzer, zur Cultus der Assyrischen Aphrodite, dans Lep- 
sius, "Zeitschr. f. ^Egypt. Sprache," xiii., 1875, p. 128 134. 
Istar est aussi portee sur un lion, Lenormant, 1. c., p. 116 ; 
Lajard, " Culte de Venus," PL IV. 12. 

36 "Assyrian Discoveries," p. 400. 

37 Athen., " Deipn.," viii. 37, p. 346. Mvacreas 8 / oevrepa) 
Trepi 'Acr/as <f>r)crlv OUTCOS* ep-ol p.ev rj 'ArepyaTis SOKCI ^a\fjrrj 
/3affL\Lcrcra yeyovevat Kat ran/ Xaoiv o-KX^pws tTreo-rar^Kei/ai, wcrre 
KCU'o.i avrois l\6vv pr) ecr^i'civ, dAAa TT/JOS GLVTYJV avafpepew, 
Sia TO dpecrai avTrj TO /3pa>/u,a, Kai Sia Tt5Se VO^^JLOV en Sta/xeVetv, 
7rav ev<t)VTa.L rrj $<3, i^^vs apyvpovs r) \pvo-ovs avariOevai' TOVS 
Se ifpttQ 7rao"av rj/Jiepav TV) Ofip aXrjOivovs IxGvs eirl TYJV rpaTr^av 
oJ^OTroi^rra/jieVovs TrapaTi^evat, e0#ovs T 6/xoiws Kat OTTTOV?, ov<s Srj 
avTol KaravaXifTKovcnv ol rrjg Oeov tepets. 

38 Beros. "Fragrn.," i. 3 ; Helladius ap. Phot. "Bibl.," Cod. 


Le Baal, qui siege en s'appuyant sur son sceptre au 
droit du second didrachme, est bien le dieu que Lucien 39 
designe par le nom de Zeus. Son nom syrien 40 ne nous a 
pas ete transmis par cet ecrivain. Cependant Movers, 
avec sa perspicacite habituelle, a demontre par d'inge- 
nieux rapprochements, qu'un de ses noms doit avoir ete 
Kivan, }YO 41 et le troisieme didrachme vient confirmer 
pleinement cette heureuse hypothese. Cette fois, en effet, 
le nom de la de'esse est nnraw, compose de nro et de 
713^ et ce dernier mot Yekun, deja connu par un passage 
du livre de Henoch, cite par Movers, 42 ii'est qu'une autre 
forme de }TO. Les deux expressions Yekun et Kivan ou 
Kevan, en Assyrien Kaivanu, 43 designent e*galement le 
dieu de la planete Saturne, le Kpovos qui mange ses 
enfants, sur lequel Movers a longuement disserte en 
rassemblant toutes les notices dispersees dans lesquelles il 
est question de cette divinite*. 44 

279, p. 1593. "On /x,u0oA,oyt avSpa rwa o>vo/>ia<r/>i'oi/ ' 
r aAAa /xti/ TCOV ftcXoij/ l^Ovos e^ovra, K</>aA.^)/ 8e Kat Tr 
xetpas avBp6<s- Lenormant, " Cosm. de Berose," p. 59. 

39 Lucian., "D. Syr.," c. 31. Kat TOV avrol Aia lovra Tfpa> 

C'est lui, sans doute, qui est designe par le Hadran, 
dont la statue a Mabug est mentionnee dans le fragment de 
Meliton, Eenan, 1. c., p. 324, 325. Sur un bronze d'Hadru- 
metum Mueller, " Num. de 1'anc. Afrique," ii. p. 52, n. 29, p. 
57 ; Suppl., p. 42 se voit 1'image d'un dieu barbu, tenant 
des epis et coiffe d'un calathos pareil a celui que porte Atergatis 
et accoste de Finscription HADRVM, lequel, comme eponyme 
de la ville, ne peut guere avoir porte d'autre nom que Hadran 
ou 'ASpavo's, comme le nomme un bronze des Mamertins. 
Voyez sur Hadranos, Holm, " Geschichte Siciliens," i. p. 94, 
377 ; Movers, i. p. 340. 

41 Movers, i. p. 309, 318, 634, 674. 

42 Ibid., p. 291. 

43 Finzi, 1. c., p. 472, 514, 515; Lenormant, 1. c., p. 373; 
Haigh, " Zeitschr. f. ^Eg. Spr.," xv., 1877, p. 68. 

44 Movers, i. p. 173, 185, 254, 354. On sacrifiait des enfants 


Mais s'il n'est que juste de trouver Baal Kevan men- 
tionne sur les monnaies frappees a Bambyce, il est tres- 
curieux de voir Yekun, joint a Atta, ne former qu'un seul 
nom pour designer une deesse. Ceci demontre encore une 
fois qu'Atergatis etait une divinite androgyne, comme Pa 
deja conclu, apres d'autres, M. Gelzer des expressions 
d'une tablette assyrienne, qui resume les rapports mys- 
tiques de la planete Venus avec les autres astres, selon 
qu'elle se montre avant le lever ou apres le coucner du 
soleil. 45 

Cette nature androgyne de Petre supreme est exprimee 
sur quelques monnaies syriennes, 46 conformement aux 
donnees de Sancboniatbon et de Berose, 47 par une tete 
virile et barbue adossee a une tete de femme et ne formant 
avec elle qu'une seule tete, double comme celle de Janus. 
Sur le didrachme qui nous occupe on ne voit que la tete 
de la deesse, mais elle est de face, ce qui fait qu'on peut la 

au Zeus d'Hierapolis, Lucien, c. 58. II ne me semble pas 
improbable que la ville d'lconium fondee, d'apres Suidas, s. v. 
Me'Soucm, par Persee, derive son nom de 7*O\ Steph. Byz. 
S. V. '1/coViov, TrdXis AvKCuWas TT/OOS rots opens rov Tavpov. 3>ao-i 


Se TOV KaTa/cXvcr/xoi) CTTI AeuKaXtWos 6 Zeus t/ceXevcre TW Hpo/JirjOfL 
Kal rrj 'AOrjva et8a>Xa dvaTrXaffat IK TOV Tr^XoO, etc. Cette 
legende est evidemment emprantee ^, la cosmogonie Babyloni- 
enne, ce qui est conforme a 1'influence que les Assyriens 
doivent avoir exercee en Asie Mineure, ou leur domination s'est 
etendue fort loin, v. Gelzer, " Zeitschr. f. ^Eg. Spr.," xii. p. 
114 s., xiii. p. 14 s. Annacos ou Nannacos, v. Lenormant, 1. c., 
p. 281, est peut-etre 1'Assyrien Anunnaki ou Anunki Lenor- 
mant, p. 131, 132. Delitzsch, 1. c., p. 268; comp. Movers, i. 
p. 94. 

45 Gelzer, 1. c., xiii. p. 128, 134; Delitzsch, 1. c., p. 271. 
Les objections de M. Meier, " Z. d. D. M. G.," xxxi. p. 730 s., 
me paraissent peu fondees. 

* 6 "Num. Chron.," N.S., xvii. p. 221, 18; p. 227, n. 32. 

47 Philo Bybl., 2, 20, p. 5G9, cd. Mueller ; Beros. i. 4, p. 497, 
ed. Mueller. 


supposer adossee a une tete virile tournee de 1'autre cote 
et par la invisible, qui n'a pu etre indiquee que par la 

La grande ressemblance de cette tete de face avec celle 
des stateres ciliciens de Pharnabaze et de Datame, pent 
faire supposer, que sur ces stateres est aussi represented 
Anaitis, dont le culte, adopte par le roi de Perse Ar- 
taxerxes Mne"mon, fut e*tabli par lui dans tout son 
empire. 48 

Les cheveux de la deesse sont en desordre et flottent 
dans toutes les directions, comme s'ils e"taient agites par le 
vent ou par Pebranlement d'une course rapide, 49 tandis 
qu'ils sont arranges avec soin sur les autres didrachmes. 

L'explication de cette particularity a encore ete donne'e 
par Movers, 50 lorsqu'il demontre qu'a cot4 de pD\ symbole 
de la stabilite permanente de 1'univers, est plac TOi, qui 
denote le mouvement, le changement continuel de toutes 
choses, pour exprimer que I' union de ces deux principes 
opposes, stabilite et mouvement, se trouve accomplie dans 
Tetre supreme et unique, origine et regulateur de toute 
vie et de tous les mouvements cosmiques et, en me'me 
temps, celui qui maintient Punivers a la place qu'il lui a 
assignee et les corps celestes dans les orbites qu'il leur a 
tracees. Le nom du dieu supreme en Syrie est Hadad, 
1'unique, comme traduit Macrobe. 51 C'est " A8w8o?, le roi 

48 Beros. iii. 16, p. 509, M ; Lenormant, 1. c., p. 149 s. 

49 De Luynes, " Eecherch. sur la culte d'Hecate," p. 5. 
60 Movers, i. p. 293. 

51 Macrob., " Sat." i. 23, 17. Deo enim quern summum maxi- 
mumque venerantur Adad nomen dederunt. Eius nominis inter- 
pretatio significat unus unus. Hunc ergo ut potentissimum 
adorant deum. Philo Bybl. 5, p. 571, M. wov e^tov /xoi'oyev^, 
ov 8ia TOVTO 'leSovS' IfcaAow, rov /xovoycvovs ovrtos ert /cat vvv 
irapa rots <J>owi. En effet, suivant M. Fr. De- 


des dieux, selon Philon de Byblos; 52 'A8ooiW, le dicu 
androgyne phrygien ; 53 "A8aSo9, d'ou descendent les rois 
de Damas. 54 Un cylindre, sur lequel son image est gravee, 
donne I'orthographe en Syrien Trn. 55 C'est le dieu dont 
se dit serviteur le TtrrOB des deux derniers didrachmes. 
Sur le revers du troisieme didrachme est represente un 
personnage de haut rang, tout pareil a FAbd-Hadad de 
la monnaie suivante, sauf qu'il ne porte pas la cidaris 
royale et qu'il parait avoir la tete couverte de la tiare 
ordinaire des Perses, ce qui ne se laisse pas distinguer 
nettement. La tiare de 1'aurige est plus distincte. Du 
nom de ce dynaste il ne reste que la desinence TP, mais 
comme le seul nom propre, qui se termine par ces trois 
lettres, est, a ma connaissance du moins, VVOtP, et qu'il y 
a place dans le champ pour deux lettres environ et meme 
des traces d'une lettre, qui peut fort bien avoir e"te un E, 
il n'est pas hasarde, ce me semble, d'assigner provi- 
soirement au dynaste le nom de TPBU7, Schamyathi, 

La date parait etre (30), la meme que celle qui se 
voit sur les didrachmes suivants. Elle ne peut guere 
etre rapportee qu'a Pere de la conquete de la Syrie par 

litzsch, 1. c., p. 278, idu signifie un en Assyrian, v. Sayce, 
" Elem. Assyr. Grammar," p. 55; "Z. d. D. M. Ges.," xxvii., 
p. 696. 

62 Philo Bybl., 2, 24, p. 569, M. "ASwSos /Jao-tXcvs 6cwi/. 

53 Hesych., 'ASaSous ^eos rts Trapa 3>pvl /caAetTat e/3/xa^poSiTos. 

64 Nicolaus Damasc., fr. 31 ; Joseph. " Antiq.," vii. 5, 2 ; ix. 
4 6. 

' K De Vogiie, " Melang.," p. 121, PL VII. 24 ; Levy, " Siegel 
und Gemmen," p. 6. 

56 Voyez 1'inscription du bas-relief e"gyptien publie par 
Gesenius, " Scr. ling, phoen. monn.," t. 29, Ixxii. p. 322, 467 ; 
Judas, "Etud. Dem.," p. 131, 132; Levy, "Phcen. Wcerterb.," 
s. v. "Corp. Inscr. Gr.," n. 2534. 


Alexandra, 57 puisque le nom du roi de Mace*doine se lit 
sur les deux premiers didrachraes, qui pre*sentent trop 
d'analogie avec les autres pour leur etre de beaucoup 
poste'rieurs ou anterieurs en date. Si le regne d'Alex- 
andre a commence pour la Syrie en 332, 58 Tan 30 tombe 
en 303. Antigone residait alors en Syrie et y resta 
jusqu'a Fanne'e suivante quand, a la nouvelle que Lysi- 
maque avait envahi ses tats, il partit ei la tete de 
ses troupes, pour pe'rir a la bataille d'Ipsus en 301. ^ 
II faut done qu'Abd-Hadad, le grand-pretre et dynaste, 
qui sur les deux derniers didrachmes s'est fait repr^senter 
dans les deux costumes convenants a sa double dignite* 
religieuse et civile, ait e*te* reconnu par Antigone, comme 
un prince tout a fait inde'pendant. Sans cela il n'aurait 
pas ose* se faire graver, d'abord avec un long diademe 
royal dependant de son haut bonnet conique, puis avec la 
cidaris crenelle des anciens rois de Perse. II me semble 
tres-probable qu' Antigone, par crainte de Ptolemee et de 
Seleucus, qui s'etaient allies avec Lysimaque, aura accorde* 
ou confirme de grands privileges au sanctuaire le plus 
venere en Syrie, afin de retenir la population indigene a 
sa cause pendant qu'il faisait la guerre au loin, et le grand- 
pretre se sera hate de faire parade de sa souverainete en 
ordonnant une emission d'especes a son effigie. Ceci aura 
eu lieu a la fin de la trentieme annee, correspondant au 
commencement de 302. Dans la premiere partie de la 
trentieme annee, fin de 303, devra etre place le troisieme 
didrachme, qui porte le nom de Schamyathi, predecesseur 

57 M. Waddington rapporte la date au regne d'Artaxerxe 
Mnemon, dont la 30 me annee tombe en 375, "Rev. Num.," 
1861, p. 11. 

58 "Num. Chron.," N.S., xvii. p. 183. 

39 Droysen, " Geschichte des Hellenismus," i. p. 522 s. 


d'Abd-Hadad dans la charge sacerdotale, car Lucien nous 
informe, qu'a Hierapolis on avait la coutume d'elire 
chaque annee un autre grand-pretre, qui revetait alors la 
pourpre et ceignait son bonnet pointu d'un diademe d'or. 60 

Sur les premiers didrachmes il n'est pas encore question 
de ces personnages, qui comme tant d'autres, profiterent 
de la dissension des diadoches pour se rendre indepen- 
dants. Le roi regnant Alexandre est seul inscrit en toutes 
lettres et si un autre personnage est indique par le A 
grec, 61 qui se voit dans le champ, ce doit etre un Grec 
et bien probablement Demetrius, le fiis d'Antigone, 
qui charge par son pere du commandement de 1'armee, 
aura eu besoin d'argent, en 312, apres sa defaite par 
Ptole"mee pres de Gaza, pour reparer les pertes qu'il avait 
essuye*es. 62 Qui sait s'il n'a pas accord e quelque privilege 
au temple de Bambyce contre une forte somme de di- 
drachmes a 1'effigie de la deesse ? Peut-etre aussi n'est-ce 
qu'a titre d'emprunt, qu'il s'est approprie une partie des 
tresors consacres dans le temple. 

De leur cote les pretres de Bambyce semblent avoir pas 
mal profite du droit de monnayage, qu'ils venaient peut- 
etre d'acquerir, en emettant des pieces fourrees dans le 
plus grand nombre possible. Sans cela il serait etonnant 
que des six exemplaires retrouves jusqu'ici, trois au moins 

60 Lucian., C. 42. /ecu TriAov CTTL rr) KeffraXrj c^ovcri. ctp^ipeus Sc. 

(.KOLCTTOV ereo? 7riy/yvTat. Hop<f>vper)v Be /x-ouj'os ovros 
^>opeci, /cat Tidpr) ^pvair) dvaSeerai. 

61 Quelques tetradrachmes ciliciens, au lion, portent aussi 
pour toute inscription, tantot le monogramme d'Antigone, JR. 6, 
Catal. Greppo, n. 1100, PL III. ; M, 6, 16 48 =260 9 , Leake, " As. 
Gr.," p. 127, tantot le A de Demetrius ? M. 6, 17 02 , Cat. Behr., 
n. 687 ; JR. 5, 17, coll. de 1'univers. de Leide ; JR. 5, Cat. 
Rollin et Feuardent, n. 5922, Cat. Subhi Pacha, 1878, n. 

62 Droysen, 1. c., i. p. 374. 


soient fourres et qu'il n'y en ait qu'un dont le poids 
atteigne 8 50 grammes. A moins done que I'hypothese 
que je viens de proposer ne soit denuee de tout fondement, 
la serie monetaire de Bambyce aura commence sous le 
regne nominal d'Alexandre Aegus, peu apres qu' Antigone 
se fut rendu maitre de la Syrie en 315, pour finir vers 
301, 63 quand cette contree passa a Seleucus Nicator. 

Celui-ci n'aurait pu tolerer, a si peu de distance de sa 
capitale Antioche, un dynaste riche et parfaitement inde- 
pendant, qui etait en me"me temps le souverain pontife de 
la divinite la plus veneree par la population indigene de 
ses etats. Aussi nous reste-t-il des indices suffisants pour 
reconnaitre la maniere dont Seleucus s'y prit pour se sou- 
mettre les pretres de Bambyce. Elien dit qu'il changea 
le nom de la ville en Hierapolis. 64 Lucien raconte en 
detail, comment le roi envoya sa femme Stratonice* pour 
batir a ses frais un nouveau temple suivant le modele 
grec et comment la reine se fit initier aux actes religieux 
et prit part aux ceremonies, que celebraient les Syriens en 
1'honneur de leur deesse. 65 Toutefois cet ecrivain n'a pas 
fait ressortir et il aura eu ses raisons pour ne pas le faire, 
que ce Combab, dont Stratonice se passionne, n'est aussi, 

63 Droysen, 1. c., i. p. 338 s. II n'est pas superflu,peut-etre, 
de remarquer, que les tetradrachmes, qu'il est d'usage de classer 
a Antigone, le roi d'Asie et qui, dans ce cas, auraient ete 
frappes en Syrie entre 306 et 302, me semblent etre d'une 
date plus recente et provenir d'un atelier de Macedoine ou 
d'Asie Mineure. L'Apollon, assis sur la proue, parait con- 
temporain de 1'Apollon assis sur 1'omplialos des tetradrachmes 
d'Antiochus I. et II. La tete de Poseidon a servi de modele 
pour plusieurs monnaies macedoniennes. Aussi je classerais 
plus volontiers ces tetradrachmes au fils de Demetrius, qu'a 
son pere. 

64 Aelian., " Hist. An.," xii. 2. 

65 Lucian., c. 1727. 



comme Movers Pa reconnu, 66 que le dieu Baal Kevan lui- 
meme, avec lequel la reine contracte une union mystique, 
qui fait d'elle une nouvelle Atergatis, lui donne tous les 
droits de la deesse et la rend souveraine a Hierapolis, qui 
devient depuis lors une ville grecque. 67 C'est de cette 
facon, si je ne me trompe, que Seleucus a fait rentrer sous 
sa domination tout un district de la Syrie, qui menacait 
de lui echapper et qui plus tard, quand les rois de Syrie 
eurent perdu leur puissance, devint encore une fois un 
petit etat separe, re"gi par Denys, fils d'Heracleon. 68 

Antiochus IY parait avoir accorde ou confirme a 
Hierapolis les droits monetaires. Mionnet enregistre 
quelques bronzes, frappes sous le regne de ce roi 69 
et celui d'Alexandre Bala, 70 qui portent la legende 
lEPOflOAITHN et sur lesquels ne manquent pas le 
taureau et le lion, 71 symboles des grands dieux syriens, 
dont les caracteres opposes sont exprimes par la lutte de 
leurs animaux sacres sur le premier didrachme. Puis, 
apres un long intervalle, viennent les monnaies imperiales, 
qui commencent sous Trajan pour durer jusque sous les 

66 Movers, i. p. 687. 

67 Ainsi que Stratonice a Hera, Seleucus et son fils Antiochus 
furent assimiles a Zeus et a Apollon, les autres grands dieux 
d'Hierapolis. Lucian., c. 35. v. " Corp. Inscr. Graec.," n. 
noms correspondent les types monetaires de ces rois. 

68 Strabo, xvi. II. 7. Trpbs <o 6 Ev^parrys eVrt Kai fj 
Kal rj Bepoia KOL 7] 'Hpa/cXeta TTJ 'Avrto^eia, TroXi^vta 

7TOT6 VTTO &IOVV(TIOV TOV 'HpttKAtWo?. BU\L 8' f) ' lApa. 

ctKoo"t TOV TI}S 'AOrjvas lepov T^S Kvppi^crTtSos. 

69 Mion., v. p. 39, n. 340 ; p. 138, n. 36, 36 bis - 

70 Ibid., p. 55, n. 480. 

71 Un lion se voit encore aux pieds d'Apollon sur un tetra- 
drachme de Seleucus II. Duane, " Coins of the Seleuc.," 
PI. III. 22 ; Mion., Suppl. viii. p. 15, n. 87. 


Philippe. Ces bronzes n'ont souvent pour type que le 
nom de la deesse syrienne, entoure d'une couronne. 
D'autrefois on la voit assise sur le lion ou entre deux 
lions, 72 accompagnee, comme autrefois, d'une legende ex- 
plicative, 06AC CYPIAC lePAnOAITON. 73 Du 
temps des empereurs Hadrien et Antonin le pieux, la 
suite imperiale est interrompue deux fois par des monnaies 
autonomes aux types d'Antioche et aux dates de Fere 
des Seleucides 447, 457, 471, 473 (135, 145, 159, 161 
apres J.-C.), 74 mais les pieces les plus interessantes sont 
celles qu'ont publiees Pellerin et Neumann : 

AYT . KAI . MAP . AYP . C . AA CB. 

Buste a dr. d'Alexandre Severe avec le diademe 
radie et le paludamentum. 

Bev. SOI CYPIAC (lePOn)OAITnN. Edicule 
surmonte d'une colombe et dans lequel est placee 
une aigle legionnaire. A g. Baal-Kevan barbu, 
vetu d'une longue tunique, le calathos en tete, 
un sceptre dans la dr., est assis entre deux 
taureaux. A dr. Atergatis, vetue et coiflfee de 
meme, dans la dr. sceptre, dans la g. fuseau(?), 
est assise entre deux lions. A 1'exergue lion 
passant a dr. 

^E. 8. Cab. de Vienne ; Neumann, " Numi. vet. 

ined.," ii. p. 74 80, tab. iii. 2; Eckhel, 

. "D. N. V.," iii. p. 262 ; Mion., v. p. 141, n. 54 ; 

Lajard, " Culte de Venus," p. 128, PI. III. B, 

n. 1. 

IOYAIA MAM6A C6BAC Buste diademe a dr., 

avec le croissant. 

73 Macrob., " Sat." i. 23, 20. Sub eodem (Adargatidis) simul- 
acro species leonum sunt. De Vogue, " Melang.," p. 68, Vign. 

73 Mion., v. p. 139 s, n. 3739; S. viii. p. 110, n. 3460. 

74 Eckhel, " D. N. V.," iii. p. 261 s. ; Mion., v. p. 138, n. 33, 
35 ; S. viii. p. 109, n. 2833. 


Rev. 06AC (CYPIAC !6POn)OAITnN. Meme 
revers et meme lion a 1'exergue. 

M. 7. Catal. Greau, n. 2457. 

AYT. K. M. A. ANTJQN6INOC CB. Bustelaure 
de Caracalla a dr., avec le paludamentum. 

Rev. AHMAPX . H . YF1ATOC TO A. Meme 
type. A 1'exergue aigle de face, les ailes eploy- 
ees, la tete tournee a droite. 

JR. 8. . . . Pellerin, "Melanges," i. p. 189, PL 
VIII. 12. Eckhel, 1. c., p. 296, croit ce tetra- 
drachme frappe a Antioche, dont 1'atelier 
serait designe par 1'aigle, qui remplace le lion 
a 1'exergue. Cependant 1'aigle pourrait de- 
signer le monnayage imperial en argent par 
apposition aux especes municipales en bronze. 

Le type du revers est conforme a la description qu'a 
donnee Lucien 75 des statues en or placees dans le sanc- 
tuaire du temple a Hierapolis, sauf 1'aigle legionnaire 
posee devant 1'edicule. 

Get e"dicule en or, dont le faite est surmonte par une 
colombe, est bien ce que Lucien nomme mjfArjiov JE^D, et 
que cet auteur a trouve si difficile a decrire, que sa des- 
cription n'est pas devenue suffisamment claire pour les 
lecteurs de son ouvrage. On 1'identifie, dit Lucien, avec 
Se"miramis et cette deesse, dont la colombe est le symbole, 77 

75 Lucian., c. 31. 

76 Haigh, U Z. f. Aeg. Spr.," xv. p. 38: " Kelying on evi- 
dence to the same effect, to be advanced in the sequel, I am 
convinced that this symbol of divinity, the most sacred thing 
which the Chaldeans knew, was in the form of a pavilion." 
Lucian., C. 33 : 'Ei/ /xeo-o) e d/A^ore/acov eo-r^KC 6avov aXXo x/wcrcoj/, 
ovSoifjia Toicri aXXoicri ^odvoiai ei/ccXov KaXt'trai 8e (rrjfji-rjiov /cat 
VTT' avrtov 'Acrcrvpt'coi/. oi8e cs ^fjitpafjiiv ayoucri. /cat yap 8^| &v CTTI 
rrj K0pv<f>f) avrov, Trcpto-repr) xP V(r ^ r ) c^>eo"rryK. aTroS^/xeet 8e Sis 
e/cao-Tov ereos S QdXava-av, t'c /co/ut8r)i/ TOV tiirov v'Saros. Cp. C. 13. 

Movers, ii. 3, p. 137. 

77 Lucian., c. 14 ; Hehn, " Kulturplanzen," p. 241 g. 


est la fille de Hadad et d'Atergatis ou Derceto, exposee 
par sa mere et elevee par le pasteur Sirnmas. 78 C'est 
Simi, la fille de Hadad du fragment de Meliton, chargee 
de puiser de 1'eau a la mer et de la jeter dans le puits de 
Mabug, 79 ce qui correspond au rcit de Lucien et aux 
rapports d'Atergatis avec Peau, dont le symbole, les 
poissons, lui sont specialement consacres. 80 

En meme temps Pellerin a fait graver trois monnaies 
en argent, de different module, tetradrachme, didrachme, 
et drachm e, qui, a ce qu'il dit, sont de meme fabrique et 
ont ete frappes vraisemblablement dans la meme ville. 
II y a lieu de croire qu'elles sont aussi de Hierapolis et 
que le nom de la ville n'est absent que parce que la fabri- 
cation de monnaies en argent etait reservee a Pempereur. 


F6PM. Tete lauree de Trajan a dr. 

Rev. AHMAPX . E . YHAT . B . Buste drape a 
dr. d'un dieu barbu, qui, le calathos en tete, 
tient de la g. un sceptre, de la dr. un objet 

M. 7 Pellerin, "Mel.," i. p. 182184, PI. 

VIII. 1 ; Mion., vi. p. 691, n. 525. 

2. Meme legende et meme tete. 

Eev. Meme legende. Buste drape a g. d'une deesse, 
coiffee de meme maniere, tenant de la dr. un 
sceptre, de la g. un fuseau (?) 

JR. 5. . . . Pellerin, n. 2 ; Mion., n. 523. 

78 Movers, i. p. 632. 

79 Renan, 1. c., p. 324, 325. 

80 Athen., " Deipn.," viii. 37, p. 346 : 17 Se ye 'Arepyarts, 

Xeyei 6 AvSos, KOLTeTrovTio-Gr) ci/ rfi Trept 



TERM . AAK . Meme tete. 

Rev. AHMAPX . H . YHATO . F. Buste drape a 
g. d'une deesse, tenant de la dr. sceptre, de la g. 
JR. 4. . . . Pellerin, n. 3 ; Mion., p. 694, n. 548. 

Le buste du dieu barbu est pareil, ainsi que Fa vu 
Pellerin, a celui du bronze de Hadrumetum, dont il a e"te 
question plus haut. Ce doit done etre Hadran, le dieu 
syrien. La deesse, coiffee du calathos, est trop semblable 
a celle qui est representee sur les deux derniers di- 
drachmes de Bambyce, pour ne pas y reconnaitre Ater- 
gatis et 1'autre deesse, coiffee en cheveux, comme Atta sur 
le premier didrachme represente sans doute la deesse 
syrienne sous cette autre forme. Ces monnaies de Trajan 
donnent encore une fois une illustration du passage 
d'Apulee, ou il est dit, que la grande deesse e"tait venere*e 
sous une foule de formes diverses et de noms varies. 81 

II est a pre*sumer, qu'il existe encore d'autres monnaies 
qui ont fait partie de la serie monetaire si interessante de 
Bambyce. Pour le moment je n'en connais pas, mais il 
y a quelques pieces, syriennes ou pheniciennes, dont le 
lieu d' Emission peut etre cherche dans le nord aussi bien 
que dans le sud de 1'ancienne cinquieme satrapie de 
Darius. Quoique plusieurs d'entr'elles aient et decrites 
dernierement, elles sont assez remarquables pour en dire 
encore quelques mots. 

81 Apul., " Metam.," xi. p. 257. "En adsum cuius numen 
unicum, multiformi specie, ritu vario, nomine multiiugo, totus 
veneratur orbis." V. aussi " Corp. Inscr. Latin.," VII. p. 137, 
n. 759. " Imminet Leoni Virgo caelesti situ spicifera, iusti in- 
ventrix, urbium conditrix, ex quis muneribus nosse contigit 
deos. Ergo eadem mater divum, Pax, Virtus, Ceres, dea 
Syria, lance vitam et iura pensitans." 


1. Tete & dr. barbue et coiffee d'une tiare (?) Devant la. 

R eVf Personnage nu, a dr., combattant un lion dresse 
devant lui. Dans le champ n tfl. 

JR. 1. O 52 gr. Imhoof-Blumer, "Choix de Mon. 
Or.," PL VII. 230; N. Chr.," N.S. xvii., p. 
211, n. 7. PI. VI. No. 7. 

La nudite de 1'Hercule, qui combat le lion, demontre que 
cette monnaie date du temps ou les Grrecs dominaient deja 
en Asie. Elle a sans doute ete mal classee parmi les 
monnaies attributes a Sidon. Le to, qui s'y lit des deux 
cotes, la rapproche des deux premiers didrachmes de 
Bambyce, sur lesquels cette lettre revient aussi par deux 
fois, apres le nom de la deesse et devant le Baal assis. 
L'attribution de cette jolie monnaie a Bambyce serait ce- 
pendant hasardee. 

2. Lion vu de face, les pattes etendues, servant de support a 

une tete colossale barbue, vue de face. Grenetis. 

Bev. Tete barbue a g., coiflfee d'un calathos crenele, avec 
pendants d'oreille et collier de perles. Grenetis. 

Si. H. 61 =lli. Mion., v. p. 645, n. 29; "Rois 
Grecs," p. 137, PI. LXV., n. 18. PI. VI. 
No. 6. 

Cette piece pourrait etre rangee avec quelque raison al 
Bambyce, vu 1'analogie de la tete du revers avec celle de 
Baal sur le bronze de Severe Alexandre, decrit ci-dessus ; 
mais toute hypothese a ce sujet serait denuee de fonde- 
ment, tant que le type du droit n'aura pas trouve d* ex- 
plication satisfaisante. 

Tete barbue a dr., couverte d'un casque corinthien laure, 
avec cimier. 

Rev. Divinite barbue, le bas du corps et le bras dr. 
enveloppes dans un manteau, assis a dr. sur une 


roue ailee. De la g. il tient un epervier. De- 
vant lui grande tete barbue a g. Dessus ^^"V 
P<"^). Le tout dans un carre creux borde d'un 

JR. 3. 3 30 gr. Brit. Mus. ; Combe, PI. XIII. 12 ; 
De Luynes, " Satr.," PI. IV. 4 ; " N. Chr.," 
N.S. xvii., p. 229, n. 43. PI. VI. No. 8. 

La tete du droit est si exactement semblable a celle de 
1'Hadranos du bronze des Mamertins, 82 qu'il n'est pas 
douteux, qu' encore sur cette monnaie-ci il faille recon- 
naitre le dieu syrien Hadran, deja mentionne plus d'une 
fois. L'autre divinite, qui lui est associee sur cette 
monnaie est, ainsi que la legende 1'indique irp, Jahu, 
dieu chaldeen d'apres Lydus i 83 ot XaXtcuoi TOV 0eoV'Iaw 
\e<yovaiv, awl TOV <j)a)? vorjrov, Trj <$>OLVLKWV yXwaay. 
On a cru retrouver son nom dans le syllabaire assyrien 84 et 
c'est a lui que se rapporte Poracle d'Apollon Clarien, con- 
serve par Macrobe. 85 La roue ailee, symbole de la course 

82 m. 4^-. AAPANOY. Tete barbue d, g. couverte d'un 
casque corinthien avec cimier. 

Rev. Chien debout a dr. MAMEPTINHN. Catal. 
Brit. Mus., Sicily, p. 109, n. 1, 2. 

C'est aussi Hadranos, avec 1'aide duquel Timoleon remporta 
sa premiere victoire, plutot qu'Archias, qu'il faut reconnaitre 
dans la tete barbue et casquee du bronze de Syracuse, qui est 
une des premieres monnaies emises par Timoleon en 343. 
Head, "Num. Chron.," N.S. xiv., p. 24, PI. VII. 4; Holm., 
"Gesch. Sicil.," ii., pp. 197, 201. 

83 Lydus, "De Mens.," iv. 38. 

84 Schrader, "Keilschr. u. Alt. Test.," p. 291; " Z. d. D. 
M. G.," xxvi. p. 44, n. 685687 ; Finzi, 1. c., p. 446; Haigh, 
"Z. f. Aeg. Spr.," xv. p. 39. Ili = Ni = Yau (im) or J ("). 
M. Sayce, "Elem. Assyr. Gram.," p. 13, n. 139 et M. Fr. 
Delitzsch donnent une autre explication a ce passage, v. Baudis- 
sin, " Stud. z. Semit. Relig. Gesch.," p. 227. 

86 Macrob., " Sat.," i. 18, 20. <pao TOV TTGLVTW TJTTO.TOV Otbv 'law, Xi)u.aTi> T 'AtSiyr, Ai'a 8' etapos ap^ofif 
Bt Otpevs, [JLtToirvpov 8'dySpov 'laco. 


rapide du soleil, convient parfaitement au dieu solaire 
dont la nature est expliquee par 1'oracle. 86 Pourtant ce 
type est tres-insolite en numisraatique et la seule ana- 
logic, dont je me souviens, est le Triptoleme des bronzes 
d'Kleusis, qui tient un autre attribut dans la main, mais 
qui du reste est vetu de meme et dont la pose est identique. 
La drachme est d'un travail un peu archaique mais tres- 
soigne et ressemble pour le faire a deux autres pieces du 
meme poids 87 et sur lesquelles le type du revers est aussi 
entoure d'un cordon tout pareil, mais dont 1'attribution est 
malbeureusement des plus iricertaines. Tout ce qu'il est 
permis d'en dire est, que c'est peut-etre dans le sud de la 
cinquieme satrapie, qu'il faut cbercber le lieu d' emission 
de ces interessantes monnaies. 

Keste enfin un statere, qui doit etre mentionne parmi 
les monnaies syro-pbeniciennes, parce qu'il peut etre at- 
tribue a Azotus avec quelque probabilite. 

4. Dagon ichthyomorphe a g. tenant de la dr. un trident, de- 
la g. une couronne. Grenetis. 

p ieVf ^ (ts) Lion, la gueule beante, marchant a dr. 
sur des rochers. 

M 6. 10 55 gr. = 198 J gr. Cab. de Paris ; Mion., 
ii. p. 69, n. 2, PL XXXIV., 123; Pellerin, 
Reo., iii. p. 58, PI. XCVI. 7. Decrit d'apres 
une empreinte que je dois a 1'obligeance de M. 
F. Feuardent. PI.' VI. No. 5. 

Dagon avait un temple dans cbaque ville de la Pbi- 
listee, 88 mais il est mis specialement en rapport avec 

86 Movers, i. p. 159, 538 s. 

67 " N. Chr.," N.S., xvii. p. 228, n. 38, 39. Dans la descrip- 
tion du n. 38 le carre creux, borde d'un cordon, qui entoure le 
type du revers, a ete omis par erreur. 

88 Stark, " G-aza," p. 249. 



Ascalon dans le my the conserve par Xanthos It; Lydien. 89 
Aussi le voit-on figurer aux pieds de la deesse, qui tient 
la colombe, sur les bronzes d'Ascalon pendant les regnes 
d'Antonin 90 et de plusieurs de ses successeurs. 91 

Des figures de Dagon fort semblables se trouvent sur les 
monnaics d'ltanus, et sur des tetrudrachmes aux types 
d* Alexandra, que M. Mueller 92 assigne a cette meine ville 
de Crete. Le lion, symbole d'une divinite qui est portee 
par deux de ces animaux sur les bronzes du temps de 
Macrin et d'Alexandre Severe, 93 march c sur des rochers. 
C'est ainsi qu' Ascalon etait situee elle-rneme sur des 
rochers, qui s'avancent jusque dans la mer, 1* element de 
Dagon, et qui sernblent avoir donne le nom a la ville, 
"pbptt'S. 94 Sous Antonin et Marc-Aurele les bronzes 
montrent encore Neptune, le pied pose sur un roeher 
et s'appuyant sur le trident, Fancien attribut de Da- 

Le poids est celui des stateres d'Aradus, ou Dagon cst 
aussi le type de quelques monnaies de nioyen et de petit 
module, que, d'apres 1'inscription, j'ai cru pouvoir classor 
a cette ville. C'est que, quand le Periple de Scylax fut 
redige, Ascalon etait, comme Aradus, aux Tyriens et faisait 

89 Athen./'Deipn.," viii. 37, p. 340. 'Arcpyarts 

^^vos TOV uioO, iv rrj Trept 'Arri<d\<va Mftyg. 

90 "Melanges de Numism.," ii. p. 151, Vign. 

91 De Saulcy, " Numism. de la Terre-Hainte," p. 201, 
n. 12, PI. X. 5; p. 202, n. 15, 16, 18; p. 204 ; Kept. Sever., 
n. 1, p. 205 ; Diadum. n. 1 ; Elagab. n. 1, 2. 

m Mueller, " Alexaud.," n. 901, 903. 

s De Saulcy, 1. c., p. 205; Macrin, n. 2, Sever. Alex., n. 4, 
PI. X. 7. 

94 Stark, 1. c., p. 23, 112. 

"' De Saulcy, 1. c., p. 201, n. 11, p. 202, n. 20, p. 203, M. 
Aurcl. ; n. 2, p. 204, Commod. 


partie de la Phenicie. 9 * 5 II n'y aurait done aucune objec- 
tion a faire contre 1'attribution de ce statere a Ascalon, 
si la legende TS convenait a cette ville. C'est ce qui 
n'est pourtant pas le ens, pnisque le nom d'Ascalon com- 
mence par ii ; N et non par YH. Mais le meme obstacle ne 
s'eleve pas contre le classement de cette monnaie a la 
ville voisine Azotus. Les types conviennent aussi bieri 
a Azotus qu'a Ascalon et la situation plus eleve'e de 
1'acropole d* Azotus 97 repond encore mieux aux rochers, 
sur lesquels marche le lion. II est vrai qu'en hebreu 
Azotus est ecrit avec un ttf, TntN> Ashdod, mais les 
Arabes, qui, cornme M. de Goeje m'en informe, ont 
souvent conserve le rnieux Tortbograplie primitive, ecri- 
vent Azdud, Sj;l et les Grecs, qui etaient parfaite- 
ment a meme de savoir comment les habitants d'Azotus 
prononcaient eux-memes, 98 transcrivent aussi "A^Vros avec 

En outre 1'etymologie, proposee par Etienne de Byzance," 
qui nut deriver Azotus d'un nom de femme Aza, mot qui 
signifie chevre, T17, 100 ne quadre pas avec la forme 

96 Scylax, " Peripl.," 104. 'AcrKa)A.eov 7roAi Tvpiw Kal 
/3ao-t'Xeta. 'EvTav(@a opos eo-rt T-^S KotA-^r) ^vpla<s. Gaza formait 
done un etat separe du reste de la Syrie. 

97 Stark, p. 22. 

98 Le roi d'Assyrie Sargon rebatit Azotus, dont il s'etait 
empare de force, vera 711, et la repeupla avec des habitants 
pris dans les provinces orien tales de son empire, v. G. Smith, 
" Assyr. Eponym. Canon," p. 131, " Assyr. Discover.," p. 
292 ; " Records of the Past," vii. p. 40, ix. p. 11. C'est peut- 
etre a cette nouvelle population venue de loin, qu'est du ]e 
changement du & en T dans le nom de la ville. Du reste 
Azotus doit avoir ete bien fortifiee par Sargon, pour avoir pu 
soutenir un siege de 29 ans contre le roi Psammetichus, d'apres 
le recit d'Herodote, ii. 157. 

<jy Steph. By/., s. v. "A^ooror, etc. fjnT^ao-av. 

lo<1 II pourrait done tic faire <]uc les monnaies, decrites "Num. 


adoptee par les Israelites. II est done a peu pres certain, 
que ce beau statere donne la veri table forme du nom, 
T1~US et qu'il doit etre retire de parmi les monnaies de 
Oorcyre et d'ltanos pour etre reporte a Azotus de Pales- 

Je ne me dissimule pas, que les series monetaires des 
villes de Syrie et de Phenicie, pendant le cinquieme et 
le quatrieme siecle, presentent des lacunes fort regret- 
tables, et c'est la en grande partie la cause, qu'il n'est 
guere possible de presenter a leur sujet que des hypo- 
theses plus ou moins probables mais toutes fort peu cer- 
taines. Esperons que de nouvelles decouvertes et une 
recherche diligente de pieces mentionnees dans divers 
catalogues, mais pas encore decrites exactement, viendront 
bientot eclaircir et corriger beaucoup de ce qui main- 
tenant est obscur et problematique. 

J. P. Six. 



Grace d 1'iriepuisable obligeance de M. F. Feuardent, 
j'ai recu Tempreinte d'une monnaie iuedite, qui vient 
d'etre acquise par le British Museum. Cette piece im- 
portante doit etre placee en tete de la serie de didrachmes, 
dbnt la description a e"te" donnee dans cet article et merite 
en tous points d'etre publiee au plus vite. Aussi suis-je 
tres-reconnaissant a M. R. Stuart Poole de m'en avoir ac- 
corde la permission. 

Chron.," N.S., xvii. p. 228, n. 36, 37, qui ont pour type une 
tete de face avec comes et oreilles de bouc, eussent plus de 
rapport avec Azotus (ju'avec Gaza. 


Guerrier, le casque corinthien a aigrette en tete, et tenant 
une lance de la gauche, courant a gauche sur un 
cheval an galop. Dessous yy\, dessus y (^), 
devant H^ -- Orenetis. 

Rev. Lion marchant a gauche sur une ligne de globules, 
la gueule beante. Devant oiseau a gauche sur 

uue fleur de lis. Dessus , 

a 1'exergue ^% ? (D">^?). Grenetis. 

JR. 5. 8 035 gr. Brit. Mus. Catal. Subhi Pacha, 
fevr. 1878, n. 888. PL VI. No. 1. 

La presence dans le champ du to seul, sans nom de 
divinite auquel il peut etre rapporte, rend incertaine 
^explication proposes plus liaut pour cette lettre. 

Le lion est celui qui porte la deesse sur le didrachme 
n. 2, la fleur parait etre la meme que celle que la deesse 
tient en main et le nom d'Alexandre est aussi inscrit sur 
les deux premiers didrachmes. 

La lettre M, sous le cavalier, qui se voit a la meme 
place sur les stateres graves dans de Luynes, " Satrap.," 
PJ. XI. 4, XII. Soli (comp. VI., 2 Dardanus), est con- 
sideree generalement comme 1'indication de Fatelier de 
Mallos. Ici elle peut designer le prefet de la Syrie, qui 
depuis la conquete d'Alexandre ^tait un Grec. (Arrian, 
"Anab.,"iii. 16, 9.) 

II serait possible, sans doute, d'arriver a un resultat 
plus positif par le dechinrement de^ caracteres places & 
1'exergue. Mais ces lettres sont indistinctes et il est diffi- 
cile d'en reconnaitre la veritable forme. Aussi n'est-ce 
qu'avec la plus grande reserve, que je propose de lire 
D"in et d'y voir le mot nE-Viri, don, qui est usite* pour les 
cadeaux presentes aux temples et les redevances payees 
aux pretres. La legende entiere mn h "niD^b^ serait 
alors a comparer avec celle de la drachme en argent de 


Chios (Mion., v. p. 26, n. 236 ; S., viii. p. 10, n. 54, 55, 
"Rois Grecs," PL XXXIX. n. 18 et la remarque p. 91), 
BAZIAEHZ ANTIOXOY AHPO(N) et constaterait le 
droit de frapper des didrachmes en argent accorde au 
temple de la deesse syrienne, 1'emission des tetradrachrnes 
et des stateres d'or etant reservee a 1'autorite royale. 
S'il etait permis de supposer que la lettre n designe le 
jeune Alexandre, la date 315 proposee plus haut pour le 
commencement de la serie monetaire de Bambyce, serait 
pleinement justifiee. 

Depuis Alexandre I les rois de Macedoine ont ete 
eouvent representes a cheval et armes d'une lance sur leurs 
monnaies, v. entr'autres Friedlaender, d. Koen. Muenzkab. 
1877, PL Y. n. 345, et il serait etrange qu'il n'en fut 
pas de metne d' Alexandre le Grand. Cette considera- 
tion m'avait deja depuis longtemps induit a chercher le 
portrait du conquerant macedonien dans le guerrier a 
cheval des stateres de Patraus, le roi de Peonie dont le 
fils ou le frere Ariston commandait la cavalerie peonienne 
dans 1'armee d' Alexandre (Lenormant, " Ptois Grecs," 
p. 11 (1) ), puis dans le cavalier arme des monnaies de 
Magnesie sur le Meandre (Friedlaender, d. Koen. Muenz- 
kab., Taf. III., n. 223 ; Brandis, p. 460, 564 ; Mion., iii. 
p. 145, n. 620, 623), qui comrnencent a paraitre vers la fin 
du quatrieme siecle et encore dans le cavalier des bronzes 
de Colophon (Mion., iii. p. 76, n. 113, 117, 118; S., vi. 
p. 97, n. 108, 109, 111 116) et de Dardanus, ou le 
casque est remplace par la causia macedonienne (de 
Luynes, "Satrap.," PL VI. 2), enfin dans le guerrier 
courant a cheval des monnaies en argent de Cibym, 
(Mion., S. vii., PI. XII. 3, 4), qui ont le poids des cis- 
tophores et datent du second siecle avant notre ere. 
A Cibyra, le guerrier, dont la fete forme le type du 


droit, porte un casque identique a celui dont est revetu 
Alexandre I Bala, le roi de Syrie, sur quelques-uns de 
ses bronzes (Duane, " Coins of the Seleucidae," PI. XII. 9, 
16), tandis que sur d'autres pieces (Ibid., n. 8, PI. XI. 
n. 17 19) sa tete est couverte de la peau de lion, a 
1'instar de PHercule des monnaies d' Alexandre le Grand. 
C'est la ce qui m'avait mis sur la voie de reconnaitre 
le fondateur de 1'empire des Grecs en Asie dans le cavalier 
qui forme le type de toutes ces pieces. Le didrachine 
syrien du British Museum, qui offre le meme type, mais 
determine cette fois par le norn meme d' Alexandre, vient 
confirmer 1'hypothese, qui jusqu'ici restait incertaine 
faute de preuves directes et servira a retrouver toute une 
serie de monnaies, qui continuent jusque sous les em- 
pereurs remains, sur lesquelles le heros macedonien, a 
che\ T al et arme de la lance, comme sur la celebre mosaique 
de Pompei, forme le type principal. 

An-il 1878. 




THE epochs of change in the coinage of Western Europe 
do not, as may be supposed, proceed part passu with the 
historical events which they indicate and from which they 
result ; or at any rate the movement of the two series, 
the series of events and the series of coins, is an echelon 
movement, a parallel advance in which the lead by 
many years is given to the political changes. The 
first age of barbaric incursion begins with the fifth 
century ; and, as many provinces were then lost never 
to be recovered, we might speak of this time as the begin- 
ning of the gradual fall of the Empire in the West. The 
series of coins which is the direct outcome of the first 
barbaric inroads is that nameless imitative series which 
has been already discussed, though such coins can 
scarcely be distinguished at a date earlier than the middle 
of the fifth century. In the final extinction of imperial 
power at Home, and in the fresh burst of invasion which 
closed the fifth century, we see the causes which led the 


barbarian coinage, leaving its first anonymous condition, 
to assume a more independent character. 

Between these two epochs there is a lull. The first 
wave of barbarism, of Teutonism, in which we noted the 
Visigoths, the Suevi, the Burgundians, and the Vandals 
as the most conspicuous names, has recoiled, leaving 
the central edifice of Roman power still standing, and 
has flowed off in various side streams, submerging the 
countries which lie around. Italy remains the seat of the 
Empire, though almost all her subsidiary dominions have 
been overthrown. During the reign of Valentinian III. 
(425 455), the son and successor of Honorius, the 
German races had time to settle themselves into their 
new homes and even to begin to dispute over the fruits of 
their conquests ; but the quietude of Italy was only 
seriously disturbed- by the taking of Africa by the 
Vandals. In this reign the power of the Huns was 
broken at the battle of Chalons (451), and by the death 
of Attila (453), events of almost greater importance to 
the Germanic races than to Rome itself. The Franks 
made good their settlement in Northern Gaul (420 451), 
the Burgundians extended their frontiers as far as the 
Mediterranean, and the Visigoths began the conquest of 
Spain : they achieved it in 461. After the death of Valen- 
tinian III., a quick pageant of nominal sovereigns closes the 
drama of Roman Imperial History : Maximus, 455, suc- 
ceeded in the same year by Avitus; Majorian, 457 ; Libius 
Severtis, 461 ; Anthemius, 467 ; Olybrius, Glycerius, and 
Julius Nepos, all in the year 472 ; and lastly Romulus 
Augustulus in 476. Behind these shadowy figures we dis- 
cern the form of Ricimer the Goth, who possessed during 
the greater part of these reigns all the substance of power, 
and who may therefore be fitly described as the first 



barbarian ruler of Italy " the kingdom of Italy, a name 
to which the Western Empire was gradually reduced." 

Just at this time the kingdom of the Vandals under 
Genseric was at the height of its power. This king was 
the first to organize that system of predatory naval war- 
fare which in after times, under the name of Vikingar, 
became so favourite a pursuit among all the Germanic 
nations living upon the sea-coast. Within a short time 
of the conquest of Africa, Genseric had constructed almost 
the finest navy then to be found in the world, and in 
440 he began his depredations upon the coasts of Italy ; 
he took Sardinia and Sicily, and at length proceeded to 
the sack of Eome itself (455). Numerous expeditions 
against the barbarian were planned by the emperors of 
the East and West, but the power of Genseric remained 
unshaken during his lifetime. As is, however, so often 
the case with' a barbarous people, the death of their one 
competent ruler was a signal for a rapid decline in the 
Vandal spirit and enterprise. Under the remainder of 
their native kings the nation ceases to be observable 
among the vital changes which are agitating Europe, until 
the final extinction of Vandal rule by the arms of Beli- 
sarius in 533. 

The dignity of Emperor came to an end with the 
deposition of Romulus Augustus by Odoacer. But this 
barbarian founded no dynasty : the final transfer of 
power to a race of Teutonic kings was the work of the 
Ostrogoths under Theodoric, towards the close of the fifth 
century. Two fresh and decisively important currents of 
invasion at this time set in from the north and from the 
east ; Chlodwig began his victorious career in Gaul, and 
Theodoric undertook his invasion of Italy. The course 
which the Ostrogoths pursued in this enterprise was 


closely analogous with that which about a century before 
had been pursued by their brethren the Visigoths under 
Alaric. The East Goths found themselves settled in 
Pannonia, in the large tract of country which lies between 
Vienna and Sirmium, with all the wealth of Italy and the 
East inviting them from either side. As the Visigoths 
had done, they first turned their arms against the Byzan- 
tine Empire ; but the position of Italy oppressed by 
Odoacer seemed to expose it as the prize of the fortunate 
invader, and Theodoric saw that there was more to be 
gained from the support than from the hostility of the 
Emperor of Constantinople. The authority of Zeiio gave 
him a specious claim to the throne of Italy, which now 
owed allegiance to no emperor. He began his march in 
489, and after a protracted struggle with Odoacer became 
master of Italy in 493. Under the title of king l his 
reign lasted thirty years (493 526); and the Ostrogothic 
dynasty in Italy remained until 553, when the arms of 
Justinian once more for a time united Italy to the Empire 
of the East. 

Meanwhile, in 486, Chlodwig had begun his victorious 
career. In the north he subdued the Belgic tribes and 
the mixed kingdom of Syagrius, and after these successes 
came in contact with the Burgundians in the east of 
Gaul. For more than thirty years this war lasted, and 
was not finally extinguished until 532. But while thus 
occupied in the east, Chlodwig did not shrink from 
encountering the Visigothic nation in the south of Gaul, 
and by the battle of Poictiers (508) he secured to the 

1 Odoacer had assumed the same title, " Nomen regis 
Odoacer assumpsit " (Cassiodor. in Chr. A.D. 476). Perhaps 
assumpsit can hardly be applied to Theodoric. He was king 
before the invasion of Italy, for rex was but the Latinisation 
of the familiar Gothic riks. 


Franks the possession of Aquitaine. So that the area of 
the Visigothic power was narrowed to Spain and the 
country bordering upon the Pyrenees. 

As the outcome of all these political changes we have 
the change in the condition of the barbarian coinages, 
which now begin to emerge from their anonymous state, 
and to present first the monogram and then the name of 
the native rulers. The change is not, as may be supposed, 
uniform or instantaneous. The whole name of a king is 
introduced upon one series of coins, while another con- 
temporary monarch is content to hint his existence by 
means of a monogram. But these variations have their 
determining causes. Some sense of subjection to the 
Empire will be shown by an adherence to the established 
imperial type and legend ; and as the more distant con- 
queror found it easier to affect this subjection and to give 
to the Emperor the congt d'elire in apportioning him his 
kingdom, it may easily happen that the coinages of those 
countries which lie nearer the heart of the Western 
Empire show a greater freedom with established usage. 
This is the case. The first coinages to emerge from 
an anonymous condition are those of the Vandals and the 
Ostrogoths, and these have many points of mutual resem- 
blance and of distinction from the other barbaric coinages 
of Europe, so that they naturally fall into a class apart. 
The Yandalic is not of course a European coinage, and 
might on that account be thought to lie outside the scope 
of our present inquiry. But it is the money of a Teutonic 
people, and is, beside, so closely allied in character with 
the coinages of the other Teutons, that it cannot properly 
be omitted in this place. For, as I have already said, our 
concern is rather with nationalities than with countries, 

We begin thereforo with the 



The following is the list of the Vandal kings in Africa, 
the names of those who struck no coins being placed 
within square brackets. 

A D. 

I. [Genseric .... 427 2 ] 
II.[Huneric 477] 

III. Gunthamund . . . 484 struck in silver (and copper ?) 

IV. Thrasamund . . . 496 do. do. 

V. Hilderic 523 do. do. and copper. 

VI. Gelimir 530 do. do. do. 

Defeated by Belisarius at the battle of Trikameron 533, 
and captured 534. 

The types of these sovereigns are as follows : 


Piece of One Hundred. 

1. 06r. DN REX GVN THAMVNDV. Draped and diademed 

bust to right. 

Rev. DN within laurel wreath. 

JR. *65 circ. Wt. 2 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, 3 PL I. 1. 

(PL H. 1.) 

Piece of Fifty. 

2. Obv. DN RX G VNTHA. Same type. 
Rev. D'N Same type ; wreath varied. 

M. '5 circ. Wt. I'l gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 2. 

(PL II. 2.) 

2 Invaded Africa 429, took Carthage 439. 

3 The references in the Vandal series are to the plates in 
Dr. Friedliinder's " Miinzen der Vandalen," those in the Ostro- 
gothic series are to the same writer's " Miinzen der Ostgothen." 
The numbers upon these plates begin afresh with each new 


Piece of Twenty-five. 
8. Obv. Same type. 


Rev. yyy within similar wreath. 

M. -4 circ. Wt. '5 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PI. I. 3. 

(PI. II. 3.) 


4. Obv. DN G. . . THA (inscr. obscure). Bust similar to 
that on silver coins of Gunthamund. 

Rev. Victory standing to left, holding wreath ; behind, 

-3E. -35. Wt. -58 gramme. B.M. 
(PI. II. 4.) 


Piece of Fifty. 

1. Obv. DN KG TH[R] SAMVNDS. Draped and diademed 

bust to right. 

Rev. D.N within laurel wreath. 

M. -5 circ. Wt. 1 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
liinder, PI. I. 1. 

(PI. H. 5.) 

2. Obv. Same. 

Rev. D.N within similar wreath. 

M. '5 circ. Wt. 1 gramme circ. B.M. 

Piece of Twenty -five. 

3. Obv. DN SAMVS (inscr. defaced). Same type. 
Her. YYV w ^hi n l aure l wreath. 

M. -4 circ. Wt. -49 gramme. Friedlander, PI. I. 2. 



Piece of Fifty. 

1. Obv. DN HILDE RIX REX. Draped and diademed bust 

to right. 

Rev. FELIX KARTC. Draped female figure standing, 
facing, holding ears of corn in either hand. 

JR. '6 circ. Wt. 1*1 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PI. I. 1. 

(PI. II. 6.) 

Piece of Twenty-five. 

2. Obv. Similar. 

Eev. XXV within laurel wreath. 

JR. -5 circ. Wt. *5 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 2. 


8. Obv. HIL [REX]. Draped and diademed bust to right. 
Bev. Within laurel wreath, an even-limbed cross-pattee. 

M. -35 circ. Wt. '45 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 3. 

(PL II. 7.) 



Piece of Fifty. 

1. Obv. DN REX G EILAMIR. Draped and diademed bust 

to right enclosed in laurel wreath. 
Eev. DN within laurel wreath. 

M. '6 circ. Wt. 1-18 gramme circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 1. 

2. Obv.DN RX G . LIMA. Similar bust. 
Rev. D.N within laurel wreath. 

Caronni, PL V. No. 38. 



3. nbr. GEIL[AMIR]. Diademed bust to right. 

Rev. Gelimir or Geilimir in monogram within laurel wreath. 
IE. -4. Wt. -9 gramme. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL I. 2. 

4. Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar ; monogram varied. 

M. '4. Wt. ? gramme. 

This is the list of the coins bearing the names of 
Vandal kings. There are, however, some other coins 
which were unquestionably struck under these rulers, 
though they do not bear their names. Their types are as 

follows : 


1. Obv. HONORIVS P[P]AVGT (the last four letters ob- 

scure). Draped and diademed bust to right. 

Rev. ANN K. Draped female figure (Carthage) stand- 
ing, facing, holding in either hand ears of corn ; in 
exergue star of eight points between laurel branches. 

M. -55. Wt. 1-3 gramme. B.M. ; Friedlander. 
(PI. II. 8.) 

2. Obv. Similar type, but the legend seems to be HONORIVS 


Rev. ANN O IIII K. Same type as last. 
M. -5. Wt. -9 gramme. B.M. 

(Another, ANNO V K. See Friedlander, " Munz. der Vand.," 
Huneric, PL I. 2. Sabatier, PL XX. 1.) 

There can be no doubt from the resemblance of the 
reverse types of these coins to those of Hilderic that the 
pieces are Vandalic ; and this resemblance might incline 
us to place them about the end of Hildaric's reign, during 
the disturbances which closed the period of the Vandal 
power in Africa. On the other hand, the name of 
Honorius upon the obverse makes it almost impossible 


that the coins should have been struck so long after his 
death. Honorius died in 424, and it was not until 428 
that Genseric passed over into Africa at the request of 
Count Boniface. There seems no reason, therefore, why 
we should not look upon these two coins as having been 
struck soon after the Yandal invasion of Africa, probably 
in the lifetime of Genseric himself. The coins are of 
rather better workmanship than those which have been 
previously described ; and the obverses appear as though 
they had stood as prototype to the regular coinage of the 
Yandals; why the reverses should not have also been re- 
produced or only partially so under Hilderic, I am unable 
to conjecture. Dr. Friedlander adopts a different theory 
with regard to these coins, or rather to the second of the 
two, for he seems not to have seen any piece in such good 
condition as the first. He reads the legend on the 
obverse HONOR V^S ACT, and conjectures that it may 
really be HONOBIETS ACT, and the coin bear the 
name of Huneric and not of Honorius. The two coins in 
the British Museum, however, seem to upset Dr. Fried- 
lander's tentative reading of the pieces in the Berlin 
Museum ; and though it is far from impossible that the 
pieces were struck by Huneric, we cannot claim to possess 
any pieces with his name. We must consider the legend 
upon these coins as blundered in some way from the 
familiar P.P.AYG. Nor does in any way make against 
this opinion, that the obverses of these coins were copied 
directly from those of Honorius, the fact that the reverses 
were peculiar to the country in which the coins were 
struck. The use of the expressions Anno iv. or v. is, as 
Friedlander points out, contrary to the Roman usage 4 of 

4 Justinian adopted the custom of indicating the years of his 



that time, in accordance with which dates were expressed 
in the years of the consulate or tribunician power. The 
Vandals were never slavish imitators of the Roman coinage. 
Genseric (or whoever struck the coins in question) having 
no consulship or tribunician power, but having adopted 
the title of king (rex), simply records the event by the 
years of his reign. 


(Without the name of any king.) 

Type 1. 

1. Obv. KART HAGO. Soldier standing, facing, holding 

lance in left. 
Rev. Head of horse with bridle ; in exergue X |[L 

M. 1 circ. Wt. 10 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 1. 

(PI. H. 9.) 

2. Same type ; but in exergue of reverse, XXI. 

& -75 circ. Wt. 6-1 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PI. I. 2. 

3. Same type ; but in exergue of reverse, XII. 

^E- '75 circ. Wt. 5'5 grammes circ. B,M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 3. 

Type 2. 

4. Obv. Draped female figure (Carthage) standing, facing, 

holding ears of corn in either hand. 

Rev. NX [H_ within triple wreath. 

M. 1*1 circ. Wt. 11*5 grammes circ. B.M. ; 
Friedlander, PL I. 4. 

(PL II. 10.) 

5. Same type ; but NXXI in centre of reverse. 

& -85 circ. Wt. 6-8 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PL I. 5. 

reign in this manner. But this was not till after the fall of 


6. Same type ; but NXII in centre of reverse. 

M. '75. Wt. 4 -7 grammes circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 6. 

Type 3. 

7. Obv. Draped and diademed bust to left; in front, palm 


Rev. jjjj within pearl border. 

JE. '5. Wt. 1'3 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 

Finally, we have a series of coins with the name of 
Justin, which Dr. Friedlander ascribes to the elder Justin, 
and supposes to have been struck under the orders of 
Hilderic. Hilderic, as the son of Huneric and Eudocia, was 
closely connected with the Byzantine court, and his death 
was the professed cause of the Vandal war. It seems more 
reasonable, however, to suppose that these coins were 
struck under the name of Justin II., after the reconquest 
of Africa for the Roman Empire. 

Piece of Fifty. 

1. Obv. DN IVST NVS PPA. Draped and diademed bust to 


Rev. FELIX CAKTA. Draped female figure (Carthage) 
standing, facing, holding ears of corn in either hand 
(as on coins of Hilderic). 

JR. -5 circ. Friedlander, PL I. 

Piece of Twenty-five. 

2. Obv. Similar inscription and type. 


Rev. y ; above, cross; all within laurel wreath. 
M. -4 circ. Friedlander, PI. I. 

There are besides numerous small copper coins, which 
from their style and from the circumstances of their find 
we may attribute to Africa during the sixth century. 


But it would be difficult to say whether they are to be 
classed as really Yandalic, or as we have classed the 
above coins, as imperial money struck after the recovery 
of Africa. Some of these are given in Friedlander, PL I. 

The monetary system upon which this coinage was 
founded calls for some inquiry. Under the sway of 
barbarian rulers, the trade and industry, the refinement 
and luxury, of Europe were languishing or dead, and with 
the loss of these the loss of a currency was less felt, and 
the use of a coinage diverted to the purposes of mere 
hoarding. In the East these influences were unfelt. There 
during the latter half of the fifth century the power of 
the Empire was consolidated rather than impaired. The 
monetary system had been established upon a tolerably 
firm and consistent basis, although owing to many causes, 
the chief of which were (1) the reckless tampering with 
the currency which had marked some earlier reigns, and 
(2) the wide extent of the Byzantine Empire and the 
heterogeneous character of its inhabitants, the system of 
exchange had been since Constantine founded chiefly upon 
weight. The unit of valuation was now the denarius of 
copper, or nummus. The aureus remained under the name 
of the solidus aureus, containing 6,000 nummi. The silver 
coins were the siliqua, one -twenty-fourth of the solidus, 
and therefore containing 250 nummi, and the half-siliqua, 
containing 125 ; the weight of these pieces being some 
1*1 gramme and *65 gramme respectively. Coins of 
Justinian marked ON (250) and PKE (125) are evidently 
the siliqua and the half-siliqua, and their weights are a 
little less than those given above. 5 

The name follis, purse, which in the time of Constan- 

5 Finder and Friedlander, " Miinzen Justinians," p. 25, &c. 


tine had stood for a definite weight of coinage in any of 
the three metals, was now appropriated to a coined piece 
of copper reckoned at one-sixth of the siliqua, and there- 
fore, strictly speaking, at 41 f nummi ; but its value in 
relation to the siliqua was sufficiently indicated by the 
figure XXXX. The subdivision of this was the three-quarter 
follis, marked XXX, and the half-follis, marked XX. It 
is evident that these pieces could not have passed current 
for their nominal value as against the standard coins, 
because while the nominal value of the follis must have 
been yi^ of the solidus, Procopius tells us that in his 
time 180 or even 210 were exchanged against the higher 
coin 6 . This is, of course, no more than saying that the 
follis was, like our penny, a token-coin ; but the fact 
sufficiently explains the inexactitude displayed in using 
XXXX in the place of 4lf . Such a discrepancy could 
have been of no real consequence, because, whenever the 
intrinsic value of the follis was taken into account, it was 
found to be far less than the nominal value. 

The Vandals, we see, had silver coins corresponding in 
respect of their weight almost exactly with the Byzantine 
siliqua, its double, and its half. These are the coins 
marked respectively i , c (L, C), and XX Y. They had 
also a series of copper equal to the follis and its divisions, 
though the actual value of these pieces in terms of the 
lowest coin denomination (the nummus) are more clearly 
marked than is the case with the Byzantine copper coins ; 
for here, instead of XXXX and XX put respectively for 
41f nummi and for 20f nummi, we have in the case of 
the Vandals the numbers XL1I and XXI. Beside these 
two denominations of copper coins we have another series 

8 Sabatier, vol. i. p. 68. 


coined at the same time with the former (for they follow 
them through their variations of type), and bearing the 
numerals XII, Till, and I. These pieces, says Mommsen, 7 
have no relationship with the other pieces of copper or with 
the siliqua, but belong to a peculiar and local system 
(found, however, likewise in Egypt) and represent the TO o, 
TTO-O> and Wo^ of the solidus. The smallest coin without 
numeral would be the unit of valuation of both series of 
copper ; and there would be nothing impossible in the side 
by side existence of these two series, as they would both 
have an exchangeable value with the silver, though not 
with each other. 

The numerals which we find upon the Vandal silver 
coins present greater difficulties. As the coin with L 
(50) exchanges with the Byzantine siliqua worth 250, 
the unit of value for the Vandal silver could hardly have 
been the same as with the Byzantine coin. At least, if 
the numeral on the silver gives the value in terms of the 
nummus, then the difference between the real and nominal 
value of the copper must have been very great, much 
greater than it was in the East. We have seen that in 
the Byzantine Empire coined copper was valued at about 
one-third more than its intrinsic worth. But if copper 
was of the same value in Africa and in the East, the 
coined copper must have passed for more than six times its 
metal value. 8 There would be no special difficulty in this, 
so long as the token money was confined to the country 
in which it was struck, and so long as the highest deno- 
mination of the token money was not equal to the lowest 

7 " Hist, de la Mon. rom.," ed. Blacas, Part III. c. vi. 11. 

8 For the gold solidus = 24 Byzantine siliquae = 24 of the 
Vandal coin marked L = 1,200 nummi in coined value. In 
metal value the solidus was (as Procopius tells us) exchanged 
for about 200 copper coins of 40 nummi = 8,000 nummi. 


denomination of money which passed for its intrinsic 
value. But such a state of things would be impossible if 
the Vandal copper marked XLII, or XXI, were current 
at the same time as the Yandal half-siliqua marked 25. 
For the larger copper coin which in the East was worth 
one-sixth of the siliqua, would here bear a higher 
mark of value than the Yandal half-siliqua. We must 
therefore, I think, conclude that the copper Yandal coins 
with the numerals XLII, XXI, could not have been con- 
current with the Yandal silver. Nor again could the series 
with the numerals XII, IIII, because of the identity of 
type between the first of these coins and the other series 
of copper. The most reasonable way out of the difficulty 
seems to be to suppose that the copper coins bearing the 
names of the Yandal kings, but without marks of value, 
represent the token money which was used concurrently 
with the Yandal silver, the latter being multiples of that 
by 100, by 50, and by 25 ; but that the larger copper 
coins with numerals and without names were struck at 
some other time. 

What was this other time? Not after the restora- 
tion of Byzantine power, because if this currency had 
been reintroduced after a period of disuse it would 
surely have been made consistent with the copper cur- 
rency of Constantinople, and not unnecessarily exact in 
its marks of value. It would have borne the numerals 
XXXX, and XX, and not XLII and XXI. The only 
conclusion left to us, therefore, is that the large copper 
coins were all anterior to the striking of silver coins by 
Gunthamund and his successors. These coins may have 
been struck while the gold and silver coinage of Con- 
stantinople or a gold and silver coinage of a strictly imi- 
tative character was still in use. Then when the Yandal 


kings began to set up a national coinage quite inde- 
pendent of the money of the East, they would disuse the 
larger copper coins and continue striking only the small 
copper, now with the name of a Yandal king. This 
copper coin, which if it had been considered equal to the 
Byzantine nummus would have been the two hundred and 
fiftieth part of the Byzantine siliqua, now rises to be one- 
fiftieth of the Vandal coin of the same weight. There is 
nothing inconsistent with probability in this supposition ; 
nor would the difference between the numbers on the 
Byzantine and the Yandal silver coins be productive of any 
inconvenience, if this course were pursued with respect 
to the copper. So long as the Yandal copper remained 
a token money with a circulation confined to its own 
country nothing would interfere with the exchange of the 
silver against the silver of Constantinople. But the use 
of this token money of a very low intrinsic value would, 
as we have seen, be almost impossible if some of it were 
struck of a higher nominal value than the silver coins. 

We see that the approach of the monetary standard and 
the medium of exchange was much closer between the 
country of the Yandals and the East, than it was between 
the East and the West of Europe. In the last the 
medium of exchange could only have been gold; but 
between Africa and the East the silver money had also an 
interchangeable value. The intimacy existing between 
any two lands will be to a great extent indicated by this 
matter of the relationship of the coinages, the lower the 
medium of exchange, the closer the intimacy between the 
people of two countries; as at the present day we find 
that in England and Germany gold is the medium of 
exchange with all other countries, whereas between 
France, Switzerland, Italy, and Belgium the franc sup- 


plies a common medium. In comparing, therefore, the 
coinage of the Vandals with that early imitative coinage 
of Europe which was made the subject of the first part, we 
remark especially two things. The independence of the 
types and names upon the Vandal coins shows us very 
clearly the independent, we might almost say defiant, 
attitude of the Vandal rule in Africa. It makes no pre- 
tence, as do at first the kingdoms of the Visigoths and 
Ostrogoths, and as do in a negative sort of way the new 
barbarian dynasties in Central and Northern Gaul, to exist 
by permission of the Eastern Emperor. But while it 
asserts in this respect its political freedom, as regards the 
internal constitution of the Vandal state, its civilisation, 
commerce, and its laws, there was probably a much closer 
approach to the condition of the Byzantine Empire than 
existed between Constantinople and the West of Europe ; 
and this second fact is indicated by the approach in the 
exchangeable values of the Vandal and Byzantine money. 
We have already dwelt upon these twofold aspects of 
life, the political and social, and suggested how they are 
likely to be indicated by the state of the coinage at this 
time. So far as the last may be taken for an indication, 
we gather that the influence of the Vandal rule in chang- 
ing the course of domestic life was much less felt than its 
power to change the outward constitution of the country. 
Much the same, we shall see, may be said of the rule of 
the Ostrogoths in Italy, at least as compared with the 
remoter countries of the West. 


As for about half a century the greater part of the 
Roman territories beyond the Alps had been in the pos- 
session of barbarian nations, the system of anonymous 



barbaric coinage was at the time of Augustulus' deposition 
in full activity. It even seems probable that some slight 
changes were introduced into the conventional legend 
upon these imitative coins, showing to those who under- 
stood them the place at which or the ruler by whom they 
were struck. Upon the fall of the Empire the same 
system of coinage was passed over to Italy, so that the 
earliest barbaric coinage of this country is likewise a series 
of imitative gold, showing by varieties in the legend that 
it was in reality struck not in the East but in Italy. A 
similar system of mint-marks had, indeed, long been 
familiar. So soon as the letters OB are added to the mark 
of Constantinople on the Imperial solidi, the exergual 
legend CONOB ceases to be a distinctive mint-mark. We 
must look upon it merely as indicating that the coin is 
of the value of the Constantinople solidus, that is, that it 
contains a one- seventy- second part of the pound of gold of 
the Imperial standard. The mint itself is frequently indi- 
cated in the case of Italian money by the letters RM 
(Rome), or RY (Ravenna) in the field ; nevertheless, as 
early as the time of Gratian (367), we begin to distin- 
guish the difference, COMOB in place of CONOB as 
indicating the coinage of Rome. About the beginning of 
the sixth century this difference ceases to be distinctive, 
except that it is always found upon Italian, never upon 
Byzantine coins. In place of this a number of other small 
changes are made, both in the exergual legend and in the 
end of that in the field ; some slight variations in type too 
accompany these changes of legend. The general dis- 
tinction of the Italian from the Gallic money has already 
been noticed, namely, that the Italian tremisses, before 
the time of Justinian, commonly present the victory 
facing, the Gallic in profile. 


M. Charles Lenormant believes himself to have iden- 
tified the following mint-marks upon certain Italian coins 
(tremisses) of the time of Anastasius, and struck, no doubt, 
under some Gothic ruler 9 : 

Victory facing holding orb and wreath. 
Star above head on obv., in field on rev. 


Same type. Stars as on last. 

Same type. No star; cross above head 
on obv. 


Same type. No star ; point above head on 

Same type. Point above head on obv. ; 
star in field of rev. 
Same legend in field. Ex. CONO (TC, or 
TICI in monogram). Same type. 


Verona (Colonial game crogs ab head fc 

Nova Verona-) star in fi 7 M on rev . 

Bicimer, it is believed, placed his monogram upon 
some gold coins struck in the name of Libius Severus ; but 
no coinage can be assigned to Odoacer. Doubtless, as 
was the case with the Vandals, an anonymous gold coinage 
of the class described above was the sole coinage of 
Odoacer, that is, of the earlier days of barbarian rule in 
Italy, and doubtless this anonymous gold money was not 
supplanted but accompanied by the regular Ostrogothic 
coinage in silver and copper. Theodoric seems to have 
passed beyond the practice of obscurely marking the mint 

9 " Rev. Num.," 1848, p. 106, &c. 

10 The complete name was Colonia Augusta Nova Verona 


from which the coins were issued, for he placed his mono- 
gram upon some of the gold solidi, and in this he was 
shortly afterwards imitated by the kings of Burgundy. 
The point where the money of the Ostrogoths separates 
itself from the other contemporary coinages of Western 
Europe, and gravitates towards that of the Yandals, and 
likewise towards the coinage of Constantinople, is in the 
issue of silver and copper series, such as were unknown in 
Gaul or Spain. Some feeble attempt towards a silver 
coinage was alone made by the kings of Burgundy, 
whereof a specimen was given upon Plate I. 11 

It will not be necessary here to do more than describe 
the different types of Ostrogothic coins, referring the 
reader who wishes for a more minute description to Dr. 
Friedlander's " Munzen der Ostgothen." 

The following is the list of Ostrogothic monarchs, those 
who struck no coins being placed within square brackets : 


Theodoric 493 struck in gold and silver. 

Athalaric 526 struck in silver and copper. 

Theodahat 634 

Witiges ) -on 

Matasundaj ' 

[Ildibad 540] 

[Eraric 541] 

Baduila (Totila) .... 541 struck in silver and copper. 
Theia (or Thila) .... 552 

Defeated and slain by Narses at the battle of Mons-lactarius, 
A.D. 553. 



(With monogram of Theodoric.) 
Type of Anastasius I. 

1. Obv. DN ANASTA SIVS PFAVG. Bust in armour facing 
three-quarters towards right, wearing helmet and 
holding lance over right shoulder. 

11 No. 8. 


Rev. VICTORIA AVGGG, monogram of Theodoricus. Vic- 
tory, left, holding long cross ; in field to left, RM 
in monogram (Rome) ; to right, star. Exergue, 
COMOB or CO (MA in monogram) OB. 

N. 1-25. Wt. 4-3 grammes. B.M. ; Friedlander. 
(PL II. 11.) 

2. Another with monogram of Ravenna (RV) and CONOB in ex. 

#. 1-8. Wt. 4-5 grammes. B.M. 

M. Charles Lenormant reads the exergue of the first coin 
CO (MA in monogram) OB. He suggests that the COMA 
thus written may stand for the comarca or campagna of 
Rome. This seems a great deal to discover out of so 


(With name of Anastasius I.) 

3. Obv. DN ANASTASIVS AVG. Diademed bust in armour 

and paludamentum to right. 

Rev. Within palm wreath, monogram of Theodoricus ; 
above which, cross. 

-& *45. Wt. -6 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 1. 

4. Obv. DN ANASTASIVS PP AVG (reversed). Similar 

bust ; in exergue, ONR (or IMD). 

Rev. INVIC TA ROMA ; in centre, monogram of Theo- 
doricus (different from that on Nos. 1 or 3) ; above 
monogram, cross ; below, mm. (a star or else C $ 
M or W * D) 

& -45. Wt. -8 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 2a 2c. 

(PL II. 12.) 

(With name of Justin I.) 

5. Obv. DN IVSTI NVS AVG. Similar bust. 
Rev. As on No. 3. 

* -45. Wt. -7 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 8a, b. 


6. Obv. DN IVSTINVS PF AVG. Similar bust. 
Rev. Similar to No. 4. 

-& -55. Wt. -65 gramme circ. Friedlander, PL I. 4. 



(With name of Justin I.) 

1. Obv. DN IVSTI NVS P AVG. Diademed bust in armour 

and paludamentum to right. 

ft ev . Within palm wreath, monogram of Athalaricus be- 
tween the letters DN ; above, cross ; below, star 
of six points. 

^B. *5. Wt. 1'4 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 1. 

2. Obv. Similar. 


Rev. Within palm wreath, 

& -55. Wt. 1-4 gramme circ. Friedlander, PL I. 2. 


8. Similar bust to last ; but, 


& -5. Wt. -7 gramme, over. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 3. (PL II. 13.) 

(With name of Justinian I.) 


AVG.) Similar bust. 

Rev. Similar to No. 1. 

^ -5. Wt. 1-4 gramme. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL I. 4. 
(PL II. 14.) 


5. Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar to No. 2. 

^- -5. Wt. '6 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL I. 5. 



(With name of Justinian I.) 

Piece of Ten Nummi. 

G. Obv.D'N IVSTINIANVS P AVG. Similar to No. 3. 
Rev. Similar to No. 3. 

&. -6. Friedlander, PI. I. 6. 

Nummus ? 

7. Obv. IVSTINIAN. Same type. 

Rev. Within palm wreath, monogram of Athalaricus 
similar to that on No. 1, but without cross or star. 

JE. -4. B.M. ; Friedlander. 

(Without name of Emperor.) 

Pieces of Ten Nummi. 

8. Obv. INVICT AROMA. Helmeted bust of Rome to 



/^.-Within palm wreath ? ^AL On ribbon of wreath 

ARIC VS the numeral X. 

-ZE. -7. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. I. 8. 
(PL II. 15.) 

9. Obv. Similar. 

Rev.DN ATHAL ARICVS. Warrior standing facing, 
head right, holding spear and resting left hand on 

S C 
shield ; on either side y 

-2E. -75. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL I. 10. 
(PL II. 16.) 

Piece of Five. 
10. Obv. INVIC TA ROMA. Same type. 

Bev. DN ATHALARICVS RX ; in centre, V. 
-E. -5. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL I. 9. 


Piece of Ten Nummi, 

11. Ofo. Within laurel wreath, FELIX R AVENNA. Female 
bust (Ravenna) wearing mural crown, to right. 

Rev. Within laurel wreath, monogram of Athalaricus, 
differing from those given above ; on either side 
D N ; above, cross ; below, star. 

^3. '7. Unique ? Friedlander, PL I. 11. 



(With name of Justinian I.) 

1. Obv. DN IVSTI NIAN AYG. Diademed bust in armour 

and palud amentum, to right. 

Rev. Within palm wreath, monogram of Theodatus. 

At- '5. Wt. 1-4 gramme, over. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL II. 1. 


2. Obv. Similar. 


Jfcn,. Within palm wreath, 


^. -45. Wt. -7 gramme, over. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL II. 2. 

(PL II. 17.) 


(With the name of Justinian I.) 

Nummus or Minimus. 
8. Obv. DN IVSTINIAN. Similar bust to right. 

Rev. Within palm wreath, monogram of Theodatus, differ- 
ing from that on No. 1. 

&> *35. Wt. *4 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL II. 3. 


(Without name of Emperor.) 

Piece of Forty Nummi. 

4. Obv. DN THEODA HATVS REX. Bust of king facing, 
head right, wearing richly jewelled robe, with cross 
on breast, and closed crown. 

^.VICTORIA PRINCIPVM, Victory walking to right 

on prow, holding wreath and palm branch. 
M. 1. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. II. 4. 
(PI. II. 18.) 

This is in every way a remarkable piece. It is the first 
coin ever issued having the portrait of a king of the 
Teutonic race. The busts which appear upon the contem- 
porary coins of the Vandals, or upon the other coins of this 
dynasty, are in no sense portraits or attempts at portraits. 
Though they are surrounded by the name of the king, they 
are merely conventional busts copied directly from the im- 
perial coins ; and the same remark applies to the coins of 
Theodeberht the Frank, which begin to appear about this 
time. But in the case of the coins before us there can be 
no doubt that a portrait was intended, and that the features 
of Theodahat, down to the slight moustache upon the upper 
lip, are given with as much skill as the artist possessed. 
The dress, too, is worth noticing. Its magnificence is bar- 
baric, and to our eyes almost Oriental ; and we here see 
the closed crown, which has been throughout mediaeval 
and modern Europe the symbol of empire. The Roman 
imperial office was expressed by the diademed head.; the 
Germanic invaders of Roman territory adopted the crown 
as the symbol of nobility and of kingship. We may guess 
from these coins that the Ostrogoths, while they took the 
DN, which was the title applied to the Roman emperors, 
did not finally adopt either the imperial title or the impe- 
rial diadem. They adhere to the " rex " and the crown, 
which, has, perhaps, more sacred associations for them. 




Piece of Ten Nummi. 

5. Obv. INVICT A ROMA. Helmeted bust of Rome to right. 

jR*,.Within wreath Hgyg J on band of wreath, X. 

M. -15. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. II. 6. 


(With name of Justinian I.) 


Diademed bust in armour and paludamentum, to 


Rev. Within wreath -^g 


M. '5. Wt. 1-3 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PL II. 1. 


(Without name of Emperor.) 

Piece of Ten Nuniini. 

2. Obv. INVICT A ROMA. Helmeted bust of Rome to right. 


Rev. Within palm wreath 


M. '6. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. II. 2. 
(PI. II. 19.) 



(With name of Justinian I.) 

1. Oit. DN IVSTINI ANVS PP AV. Draped and diademed 
bust to right. 


2lev. Within wreath, monogram of Matasunda. 

M. -55. Wt. 1-2 gramme circ. Friedlander, PL II. 


(With name of Justinian I.) 

1. Obv. DN IVSTINI ANVS P AV. Diademed bust in 

armour and paludamentum, to right. 

Rev. Within wreath TT . 

M. *6. Copenhagen; Friedlander, PL II. 1. 

(With name of Anastasius I., revived.) 

2. Obv.VN ANAS TASIVS P AVG. Similar bust to 


Rev. As on No. 1. 

&. *6. Wt. 1-4 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PI. II. 2. 

Quarter-Siliqua ? 

8. Obv. Similar type ; but DN ANASTASIVS. 
Rev. Same. 

JR. '4. Wt. 1*44 gramme circ. B.M.; Friedlander, 
PL II. 3. 

, These coins, with the name of Anastasius, who had 
been long dead, are very curious. We see from the 
former coins that Baduila had no precedent for placing 
any other than an imperial name with the imperial bust 
on the obverses of his silver. The Ostrogoths having 
been now for nine years at war with Justinian, his name 
was rejected, and that of the dead Anastasius was put in 


its stead ; afterwards this was again displaced by the 
name of Baduila, as we see on the next coin. 

(Without name of Emperor.) 

4. Obv. DN RADV ILA REX. Diademed bust in armour 

and paludamentum to right. 
Rev. As on No. 1. 

!& *55. Wt. 1'4 gramme circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PI. II. 6. 

(PI. II. 20.) 


(With name of Anastasius I) 
Nummi or Minimi. 

5. Obv. DN ANASTASIVS. Same type. 

Rev. Within wreath (palm or laurel ?), monogram of 

&. -4. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. II. 5. 

6. Obv. DN ANAS . . . AVG. Draped and filleted bust to 


Rev. Within wreath D 

JE- -4. B.M. ; Friedlander, PI. II. 4. - 

(Without name of Emperor). 
Piece of Ten Nummi. 

7. Obv. DN BAD VILA REX. Bust in richly jewelled robe 

and arched crown facing. 

Rev. FLOREAS SEMPER. Warrior standing towards 
right, holding spear ; before him, X. 

-ffi!. 1-35. Wt. 7'5 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 
lander, PI. II. 9. 

Piece of Five Nummi ? 

8. Same type. 

^. -7. Wt. 4-2 grammes circ. B.M. 
(PI. II. 21.) 

(Though both these pieces are marked X, the first is double 
of the second.) 


Piece of Ten Nummi. 
9. Obv. Similar. 


Rev. Within wreath ; on ribbon of wreath, X. 


JE. -75. Wt. 7*4 grammes circ. B.M. ; Fried- 

Piece of Five Nummi ? 

Same Type. 
2E. -7. Wt. 4-3 grammes circ. B.M. 

Nummi or Minimi. 

11. Obv. . . . . AD VI. Same type. 
Rev. Lion walking towards right. 

2E. '4. B.M.; Friedlander. 


12. Ok EIX 

Rev. Within wreath, monogram of Baduila different from 
that on No. 6. 

M. -4. Friedlander, PL II. 11. 

Piece of Five Nummi. 

13. Obv. FELIX TI CINVS. Female bust with mural 

crown (Ticinius, i.e. Pavia) to right. 

Rev. Within palm wreath 


M. -6. Wt. 8 grammes circ. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PI. II. 7. 



(With name of Anastasius I.) 

1. Obv. DN ANAS TASIVS PAG. Draped and diademed 
bust, to right. 12 

12 The representation of the armour and the cloak, copied at 
first from the imperial series, becomes upon these coins gra- 



Rev. Within palm wreath ^y . p 

JR. -5. Friedlander, PL III. 1. 

2. Obo. DN ANASTA SIVS PF AG. Same type. 


Ito. Within palm wreath E 


M. '55. Wt. 1*3 gramme, drc. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PI. III. 2. 



/foi>. Within palm wreath THIL 

JR. -6. Wt. 1-3 gramme, drc. B.M. ; Friedlander, 
PI. III. 3. (PI. II. 22.) 


(Without name of king.) 



Piece of Forty Nummi. 

1. Obv. INVICT A ROMA. Bust of Rome to right. 

Rev. Wolf suckling twins ; above, XL ; in exergue, date 

(II- -in- -mi- -IV- or -V-) 
2E. 1. B.M. ; Friedlander. 

Piece of Twenty Nummi. 

2. Obv. Same. 

Rev. Same ; above, ^>g % ; in exergue, XX. 
M. &. B.M. ; Friedlander. 

Type 2. 

Piece of Forty Nummi. 
8. Obv. Same. 

Rev. Eagle with wings spread looking backwards ; beside 

XL ; in ex., date (T- -A- '6' or -9'). 
M. 1-1. B.M. ; Friedlander. 

dually more and more indistinct, till they are no longer se- 


Type 3. 
Piece of Twenty Nummi. 

4. Obv. Same. 

Rev. Tree, on either side of which, eagle looking backwards 
towards it ; in exergue, -XX* 

JE. -85. B.M. ; Friedlander. 


Pieces of Ten. 

Type 1. 

5. Obv. FELIX R AVENNA. Female bust with mural crown 

(Ravenna) to right. 

Rev. Within wreath, monogram of Ravenna ; on band of 
wreath, X. 

JE. -65. B.M. ; Friedlander. 

Type 2. 
6. Obv. Same. 

Her. Eagle on thunderbolt ; on either side, star of six 
points ; in exergue, X. 

JE. -65. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL III. 1. 

Type 3. 
7. Obv. Same. 

Rev. Victory walking towards left, holding wreath and 
palm branch ; on either side, R V. 

JE. -6. Friedlander, PL III. 

Type 4. 

8. Obv. INVICTA ROMA. Same type as No. 1. 
Rev. Same as reverse of No. 5. 

JE. -6. Friedlander, PL HI. 

The coins were struck by Rome and Ravenna to some 
extent independently of the Ostrogothic kings. 



There are certain silver coins which have the names of 
Anastasius I. and Justinian I. upon the obverse, and on 
the reverse a monogram which seems to read Teudaricus. 
They differ from the monograms upon coins of this 
prince, and the name of Justinian, who did not ascend the 
throne until after the death of Theodoric, makes it im- 
possible that they could have been struck by him. It is 
by no means impossible, however, that the monogram of 
so great a name might have been used after the death of 
its owner. 

(With name of Anastasius I.) 

1. Obv. CNANA ITAIIVS. Draped and diademed bust to right. 

Rev. Within palm-wreath, monogram as in Friedlander, 
PL III. 1, b. 

JR. -4. B.M. 

(With name of Justinian I.) 

2. Similar type, but D N IVSTIN IAN PPAVG. 

JR. -45. B.M. ; Friedlander, PL III. 1, b. 

3. Similar ; monogram slightly varied. 

JR. -5. Friedlander, PL III. 1, c. 

4. Similar ; monogram varied. 

JR. -5. Friedlander, PI. III. 1, a. 

It will be seen from the above coins, bearing in mind 
what has been already said in discussing the Vandal 
series, that the money is struck in close relationship with 
that which was current in the Eastern Empire. The 
solid us was, of course, the standard of value in every case. 


The silver coin corresponded to the Byzantine siliqua, and 
doubtless passed current for 250 nummi, not being, like 
the Vandal silver coins, marked as the multiple of some 
other denomination. The copper coins were not marked 
XLII and XXI, like the Yandal copper, but XL and 
XX, like that of the Empire. 

What then do we learn from an examination of the 
series of the Vandalic and Ostrogothic coins ? Evidently 
that the countries in which they were struck did not undergo 
the slow disintegrating process which abolished the civi- 
lisation and trade of Gaul and Spain, and by doing so did 
away with a regular coinage of all denominations. What- 
ever we may read of the barbarous depredations of the 
Vandals, it is clear that the people of Africa retained most 
of their old ways of living together with a close inter- 
course with the Eastern Empire. The same was the case 
in Italy. Here, perhaps, the barbaric invasion was of 
an even less destructive character, for among the Ostro- 
gothic rulers of Italy we count men softened by the 
influence of religion and culture such men as Theodoric 
and Baduila. 


(To be continued.) 

VOL. xviii. 



I GAVE in a former number of the Chronicle (vol. xvi. 
p. 153) some account of two pieces of Hog Money of the 
value of x.uct. and \id. respectively, and was not then 
aware that any other piece existed. Shortly, however, before 
leaving Bermuda in 1877 a coloured native brought me the 
specimen figured in the annexed woodcut, which is of the 
value of ik/., and is entirely new. All that I could collect 
from him was that a child playing on the south shore of 
the island, not far from Port Royal, had picked it up on 
the beach, apparently washed up. It is in very fair pre- 
servation, and the figure of the hog very spirited. 

Obv. Figure of a hog under the numeral II., with no 

Rev. A ship with three masts, flying the cross of St. 
George at each mast-head. 

The researches of the Historical MS. Commission have 
brought to light a very interesting document among what 
were formerly known as the Yelverton MSS., now in Lord 
Calthorpe's possession, consisting of the proceedings of a 
commission of sixteen merchants and others appointed 


by the Lords of the Council, under date 10th May, 1607, to 
report to his Majesty 

" Ffirst of the Inconveniences w ch befall to this king- 
dome, w n our moneyes are undervalued by other nations, 
and theire moneys overvalued either by publicke autho- 
ritie or prouisition (sic) amongst the merchants. Secondly 
what benifit would grow vnto the comonwealth by the 
reformacion thereof, if according vnto justice and equitie 
the price of exchange were ruled according to true value 
for value or par pro part, the waighte and finenesse of 
money beinge proportionally considered." 

The result is a series of valuable reports and inclosures, 
some of them dated October, 1611, and July, 1612, the 
latter bearing the signatures of Tho. Parry and Fra. 
Bacon, which, by the very obliging liberality of Lord 
Calthorpe, I have been permitted to peruse. As might, 
perhaps, have been expected, there is no reference made 
in them to the license given to the Virginia Company in 
1612 to provide a currency for their plantation a prece- 
dent extended in 1615 to the Bermuda Company ; but 
they disclose in a striking manner the condition of 
things which made such a concession indispensable. The 
stringency of the laws then in force against the exporta- 
tion of coin from ths realm was such that it would appear 
to have been impossible otherwise to have furnished the 
young plantations with necessary currency ; and its 
scarcity, due to causes which are carefully investigated, 
had created great and well-founded alarm. Of these 
causes a falling-off in the quantity of silver brought to 
the Mint for conversion into coin is one of the principal. 
In the last seven years of the reign of Elizabeth the 
quantity of silver coined amounted in value to 844,433, 
and in seven years (1611 1617) of James I. to no more 


than 57,689 ; the gold coined in the same periods being 
respectively of the values of 104,280 and 1,546,309. 1 
This falling- off in silver is traced not to any diminution 
in the quantity of the metal brought into the kingdom, 
but to the high royalty charged on coinage 305. per Ib. 
weight of gold, 2s. 6d. per Ib. weight of silver ; to the 
immense consumption of the precious metals for purposes 
of luxury ; and to the payment for foreign commodities 
in coin of a fineness somewhat superior to that of other 
countries, which was thus continually drained out of the 
realm. It was in vain that the export of coin had been 
for a long period made felony, and was even then attended 
with the forfeiture of double its value. The reports show 
in a most instructive manner how the instinct of trade 
defies and evades restrictions ; and while they fail to pro- 
pose remedies which stand the test of modern commercial 
experience, they are exceedingly interesting in the proof 
they afford that the principles of political economy were 
even thus early in our history forcing their way to recog- 
nition, and exacting penalties for disobedience. It would 
be foreign to the present communication to enlarge on 
this subject, but I may be permitted to express the hope 
that the document may some day be published. 


1 From April, 1617, to Feb., 1620, silver money was coined 
only to the amount of 1,070 15s. 4r/. (Hawkins, 1841, p. 159). 
The scarcity of the metal began to be relieved in 1621 by the 
working of the Welsh mines (id.). 




.H. m 

s. '*.'#**.- * 

vC ^^^ >/ % ^ " - - 

^^,^4 "&0^^ <'^^ 

r?s^ -.-:S^^.^r ; 







THE true Byzantine type of coinage commences under 
Anastasius (491 518), who instituted a monetary reform. 
During his reign, as well as during that of Justin I. 
(518 527), the types of the gold and silver coins are 
principally the usual Victory holding a globe on which is 
a cross ; or else a large cross, or a staff surmounted by the 
>pr ; whilst the >, -p, or >JC, are of frequent occurrence. 
The A f, CO, or ^ >fe ma 7 be found on the small 
silver coins of Justin I. (Sabatier, " Mon. Byz.," PI. IX. 
Nos. 25, 26), types also appearing on those of Justinian I. 
(British Museum, PI. VI. No. 1 ; Sab., PL XII. Nos. 
15, 12 ; Of. A t Ul on M. PI. XVII. JSTos. 3638), and 

a I have to record my best thanks to Professor Churchill 
Babington, who not only volunteered to read the proofs of this 
section, but who has greatly assisted me with many valuable 



of Mauricius Tiberius with A f U) (PL XXIV., No. 14). 
The copper coinage now, for the first time, bears an 
index of its value which generally occupies the whole of 
the field, almost always accompanied by crosses. For 
examples bearing index values M, K, I, V, or 6, see Sab., 
PL IX. Nos. 3 19 (Anastasius). Some specimens (bear- 
ing index M) show the Emperor Justin I. wearing the 
^C on his breast (PL X. No. 1), or the f on his head 
(No. 2). 

In 527, Justinian was associated to the Empire by his 
uncle Justin, and coins were struck of gold and copper 
bearing both their portraits. On a very rare copper piece 
formerly in the collection of Mr. de Salis, and now in the 
British Museum, the word VITA appears for the first 
time (PL VI. No. 2 ; Sab., PL XI. No. 22), a form 
employed afterwards by Justin II. and Sophia (PL XXI. 
Nos. 10, 12, 13), and by Mauricius Tiberius (PL XXIY. 
No. 20), signifying, according to the Baron Marchant and 
M. de Saulcy, Sit longa VITA !, but which the Abbe* Mar- 
tigny 1 thinks, as the word is not found except on coins 
where the cross is placed between the two heads, may 
refer to the sign of the cross as the source of true life. 
There are, however, apparently no traces of a cross 
between the heads of Justin and Justinian. In favour of 
the first interpretation, M. Sabatier mentions 2 the words 
VINCASor NIKA on the contorniates, and the letters 
Ntf PGreat! on the coins of Focas and Leontia (PL 
XXVII. No. 26), 2a as also the letters P. A. Ml|L. or 

1 "Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," p. 464. 

2 " Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 170. 

2a Professor Babington considers that it is impossible that 
N. P (occurring between D. N. FOCAS and P. AVG.) 
can be so explained. P is certainly for PQrpetuus. PRP. 
occurs on several coins of Focas (Sab., PL XXVII. 7, 16). N. 
seems to be for poster ; the remaining P. will stand for Pins. 


P. A. MVL. on the coins of Theodosius III., Leo the 
Isaurian, and Constantine V. and Leo IV. (PI. XXXIX., 
XL.), these being interpreted Per knnos MVLfos \vivat 
understood], but Mr. de Salis, who states that the legend 
MVLTVS or MVLTVS ANNIS occurs for the first time 
on the coins of Justinian II. without the letters PA, 
considered 3 that these letters signified PAter or Pater 
hugusti, as on the coins of Leo IV. and Constantine VI., 
where Leo III. and Constantine V. are called PhPpos 
and PATJ HP (Sab., PI. XLI. No. 2), an opinion that 
seems to have been adopted by M. Sabatier in other parts 
of his work. 4 It may, however, be noted that Cavedoni 
preferred to interpret the letters P. A. M^L.. or MVL. 
as the initials of the words Perpetuus Augustus MVLtoties 
or MVLtimodis ; but it is doubtful if this interpretation is 
correct. 5 

On the death of his uncle Justin, Justinian I. succeeded 
to the throne (527 565), and in about his twelfth year 
introduced his portrait full-face on the copper coinage, 
adding the word ANNO together with a number marking 
the year of his reign (Sab., PL XIII. No. 13). The J? 
(reversed) may also be seen on the breast of this Emperor 
(British Museum, PI. VI. No. 3 ; cf. Sab., PI. XII. No. 
22), set as it seems on a plate surrounded by gems, and 
the form )fc occupies the whole of the reverse of some of 
the small brass coins (PL XVII. Nos. 2, 9). 

The coins of the Ostrogoths in Italy, commencing at 
the overthrow of Romulus Augustus (476 553), which 
generally bear the portraits of Anastasius, Justin I., and 

3 " Rev. Num.," 1859, p. 441. 

4 " Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 74 ; vol. ii. p. 46. 

8 "Rev. Num.," 1859, p. 399; cf. Eckhel, " Doct. Num. 
Vet.," vol. viii. p. 228. 


Justinian L, and many of which carry on the farcical 
legend of INVICTA ROMA, and the coins of the 
Vandals in Africa (428 534), do not require any special 
allusion in connection with the present subject. 

The reign of Justin II. (565 578), with the exception 
of the pieces of himself and his wife Sophia, with the 
inscription VITA, to which I have already alluded, offers 
no new type. 

Under his successor, Tiberius II. Constantine (578 
582), the cross is placed on four steps (British Museum, 
PI. VI. No. 4 ; Sab., PI. XXII. No. 13), or on a circle 
(British Museum, PI. VI. No. 6 ; Sab., PI. XXII. No. 
17), or a globe (No. 18), types that become especially 
common under Heraclius, whilst on some of his coins he 
is represented holding the volumen and a sceptre sur- 
mounted by an eagle, above which a cross (Sab., PI. 
XXII. 15; XXIII. 1, 2, 13), a type occurring on the 
coins of his successor, Mauricius Tiberius (582 602), 
who also struck a very rare solidus (of which Sabatier 
gives a woodcut, vol. i. p. 238), representing himself hold- 
ing the volumen and a long cross, and Victory holding a 
long sceptre surmounted by and a cross on a globe. 6 
Sometimes the Emperor himself carries a long cross or 
the -P (Sab., PL XXVI. Nos. 2126). The coins of 
Focas (602 610) are of a similar type. 

Heraclius (610 641), who issued coins of himself and 
sons Heraclius Constantine, and Heracleonas, with the 
title of Consul, an office that was not definitely abolished 
till the reign of Leo VI. (886 912), 7 produced the 

6 See XXV. B. The East, for a coin of Leo I. (Sab., PI. VI. 
No. 19). 

7 Barthelemy, " Rev. Num.," 1857, p. 256. On some of 
the brass coins of Heraclius and Heraclius Constantine, instead 


legend D6VS ADIVTA ROOOANIS on his silver coins 
(British Museum, PI. VI. No. 6 ; Sab., PI. XXIX. No. 

23), a legend which continues on the coins of his succes- 
sors down to the time of Justinian II. (685). Some 
of his copper coins present an entirely new feature, in 
that the legend is completely Greek, instead of the curious 
mixture of Greek and Latin, and reverts to the Constan- 
tinian legend N Ttf TO NIK A (PI. VI. No. 7; 
Sab., PI. XXVIII. No. 26), which appears in the form 
h IOVTJCD hICAX.or hlCAl on the coins of 
Basil II. and Constantine XI. (9761025; Sab., PL 
XLYIII. Nos. 15, 16), and N TOVTO) NIKAT6 on 
those of Michael VII. and Maria (10711078; Sab., 
PI. LI. No. 11). 

The late Dr. Finlay has suggested 8 that the copper 
coins of rude fabric with the N TfcTO NIKA legend 
were probably coined by Heraclius for the use of the 
troops and the provincials during his Persian campaigns, 
in which theory, with the exception of the words " rude 
fabric " as these coins are no ruder in general work- 
manship than the rest of the copper currency of the 
period the Hon. J. L. Warren agrees, adding that the 
idea "deserves a conspicuous place among the theories 
propounded on the origin of this type," and " that such a 

of the usual + above the index M , there occurs the monogram 
yfc (Sab., PI. XXX. Nos. 1,2). On a very small silver coin of 
Heraclius (Sab., PI. XXVIH. No. 23), the reverse type is 

R GO. The letters R m have been interpreted by M. de 


Saulcy ("Essai de Class, des Mon. Byz.," p. 58) as perhaps 
Separator tf\undi, but M. Sabatier ("Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 
269) has suggested Rotf\a. The same type appears on the 
small silver coins of Constans H. (Sab., PI. XXXII. No. 14). 

8 " Greece under the Romans," 2nd ed., 1857, p. 544. 


type would be peculiarly appropriate in a war against the 
crescent and the infidels, thus re-adopting the labarum 
motto translated, however, and thereby showing how 
essentially Greek the Empire had become." 9 The same 
type was continued by his son Constans (641 668) ; and 
an interesting account of some coins of this Emperor and 
his sons discovered in the Island of Cyprus has been 
written by Mr. Warren. 10 

Under Constantino V. Copronymus and his son Leo IV. 
(751 775), the hand descending from Heaven occurs on 
the gold coinage (British Museum, PI. VI. No. 8 ; Sab., 
PI. XL. No. 22). The hand blessing is also produced on 
the coins of John I. Zimisces (PI. XL VII. No. 17) [see 
our PI. VIII. No. 6], Michael IV. (PI. XLIX. No. 3), 
Michael VI. (PI. XLIX. No. 16), Alexius I. Comnenus 
(PL LIL No. 2), John II. Comnenus (PI. LIIL No. 19), 
Manuel I. Comnenus (PL LV. Nos. 3, 4, 8), Isaac II. 
Angelus (PL LVII. Nos. 15, 19, 20), John VIII. Palsco- 
logus (PL LXIV. No. 2), and on those of the Emperors 
of Trebizond (PL LXVII LXIX). 11 During the reign 

9 "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1861, p. 229. 

10 "Num. Chron.," N.S., 1861, p. 42. 

11 The Greek benediction consisted mainly of the thumb 
touching the tip of the ring-finger, while the forefinger, the 
middle and the little finger are erected, in which some see the 
intention to figure the letters A and U). According to some 
the erect forefinger with the curved middle finger made I C 
(i.e., 'Irjcrovs}, while the crossing of the thumb and ring- 
finger, and the curving of the little finger made XC (i.e., 
Xpion-os). According to others, the thumb and ring-finger 
crossed made X, the other fingers erect, with the fore and 
middle fingers slightly separated, were supposed to represent 
i/, I, the whole standing for 'I^crovs X/HOTOS VLKO.. In the Latin 
benediction the thumb, the forefinger, and the middle finger "are 
erected, while the other two are doubled down on the palm of 
the hand, and the hand of our Lord is thus represented on 
some monuments where He is performing a miracle (Rev. R. 


of Constantine V. Copronymus and Leo IV. the legend 
IHS4S XRISTMS NIC A first appears round a cross 
on the silver coins (British Museum, PI. VI. No. 9 ; 
Sab., PI. XL. No. 25), though on copper coins with the 
effigies of Leo III. (dead), Constantine V. and Leo IY. 
(Sab., PI. XL. No. 17), of Leo IV. and Constantine VI. 
(PI. XLI. No. 5), of Constantine VI. and Irene (PL XLI. 
Nos. 8, 11), the letters X N for Xristus Nca may be 
found, whilst the full legend occurs on their silver. Some- 

^^ |b| 

times the letters are triplicated as on coins of Irene : X N 


(PL XLI. No. 13 ; see Sab. passim). Nicephorus I. 
Logothetes (802811), however, struck the full legend 
on a gold coin (Sab., PL XLI. No. 14), and it may be 
generally found on the silver till the reign of John I. 
Zimisces (969 976), 12 when the face of the Emperor is 
represented within a circle (on the middle of a large 

cross) surrounded by the letters JV (British Museum, 

PI. VI. No. 10 ; Sab., PL XL VII. No. 19). On some 
of his brass coins (Sab., PL XL VIII. No. 6), and on those 
of Alexius I. Comnenus (10811118; PL LII. Nos. 18, 

Sinker, in Smith and Cheetham, " Diet, of Christ. Antiq.," vol. i. 
p. 199 ; Martigny, " Diet, des Antiq. Chret., s. v. Benir (Ma- 
mere de) ; cf. Sab., " Mon. Byz.," vol. i. p. 29). The hand 
from heaven, between the letters A and W, was adopted on 
some of the pennies of ^Ethelred II. (978 1016 ; Ending, 
XXII. 13 ; Hawkins, " Silver Coins of England," p. 67, PL 
XVI. No. 206). 

12 It was on the coins of this type of Michael I. Khangabe 
(811813; Sab., PL XLII. No. 3), that the words bASlLIS 
ROPOAIOh were first introduced 'a sad acknowledgment 
of the existence of a rival Romanorum Imperator ' (" Saturday 
Review," June 1st, 1861), and not much improved by the addition 
of the epithet ffiGS AS, as on the coins of Michael III. (Sab., 
PI. XLIV. No. 13). 


19), and on those of Andronicus IV. Pakeologus (1371 
1373 ; PI. LXIII. No. 1), the legend is L2JJ1. 13 

During the reign of Justinian II. (685 695), who had 
been deposed on account of his cruelties in 695, and 
banished to the Chersonese by Leontius with his nose cut 
off, and hence his name of Rhinotmetus ('PH/OT/^TOS), but 
who was restored to the throne, together with his son, 
Tiberius, in 705, many innovations were introduced, the 
most notable of which is the bust of Christ holding the 
Gospels and giving the benediction with the legend dN. 
IhS. ChS. RGX RGGNANTIHM, and the title of 
SGR H . C h RIS1 1 (servus Christi), adopted by the Em- 
peror. 14 On some of the coins the Emperor holds a globe 
(on which is the word PAX), surmounted by a cross (Bri- 
tish Museum, PI. VI. No. 11 ; Sab., PI. XXXVII. No. 
2). The legend dN IhS. ChS. RGX RGGNANTiqM 
is generally found on the gold coins, but it sometimes 
occurs on the silver and copper (Sab., PI. XXXVII. No. 

13 The wafer employed by the Greek church is round, and 

the usual stamp on it is IHC | XC ("The Greek and Eastern 
N I [ K A 

Churches," p. 96, Relig. Tract Soc.). Alexius I. Comnenus 
was the first emperor who was really Greek, and Latin after 
his accession never again appears on the coins of the Roman 
Empire, so that its transformation into the Byzantine monarchy 
was then complete (Finlay, " Greece under the Romans," 
p. 545). The reverse legend of these coins is CP. 
CVhGPTGI BACIA6I AAGXICJU, Ccorcp oWpyei/?ao-tA.eZ 
'AAeia>, Saviour, help the King Alexius. It may be compared 
with the legend DGVS ADIVTA ROmANIS, introduced 
by Heraclius. 

14 On the coins of Theophilus (829842) the legend becomes 
10; cf. PI. LXX. No. 22). 


11 ; XXXVIII. Nos. 9, 12), and it is always accompanied 
by the type of Christ represented in the four following 

A. JS 7 o letters in the field. (1) Bust of Christ (without 
nimbus] facing on a cross on the coins of Justinian II. 
Rhinotmetus (685695 ; British Museum, PL VI. No. 
11 ; Sab., PL XXXVII. Nos. 2, 11), and on his coins, and 
those of his son Tiberius IV., after his restoration (705 
711 ; Sab., PI. XXXVIII. Nos. 9, 12). During the 
reigns of Leo III. the Isaurian 15 (716741), the first of 
the Iconoclasts, of Constantine V. Copronymus (741 
775), of Artavasdes and his son Nicephorus, usurpers 
(742 743), of Leo IV. Charazes, son of Constantine V. 
(775780), of his brother Constantine VI. (780797), 
and of their mother Irene (797 802), all images of 
Christ, of the Virgin and of the Saints were abolished, 
though the legend IhSMS XRISTMS NICA without 
any image, as I have above stated, was introduced dur- 
ing the reign of Constantine V. Copronymus, and his son 
Leo IV. (751775; British Museum, PI. VI., No. 9). 
The bust of Christ facing on a cross was reproduced on 
the coins of Michael I. Rhangabe (811813; Sab., PI. 
XLIL No. 1), and, after another interval of about thirty 
years, on those of Michael III. and his mother Theo- 
dora (842856; Sab., PI. XLIV. No. 7), and on the 
coins of Michael III. when reigning alone (856 866 ; 
Sab., PL XLIV. No. 12), but with the legend IhSMS 
XRIST1OS >K. On a brass coin of Michael VII. Ducas 

15 Under Theodosius III. Adramyttenus, who only reigned 
one year (716), some small silver coins were struck with the 
legend AM NITA SD6I in three lines (Sab., PL 
XXXIX. No. 3), Amoenitas Dei, the loving-kindness (i.e. the 
grace) of God (by which he reigned). See note 19. 



(1071-1078 ; Sab., PI. LT. No. 8) the bust of Christ on 
the cross occurs between two stars but without any legend. 

(2) Bust of Christ facing on a cross with nimbus from 
the reign of Constantine X. and Romanus II. (948 959 ; 
British Museum, PI. VI. No. 12; Sab., PI. XLYI. 
No. 18), to that of Isaac I. Comnenus (10571059; 
Sab., PL L. No. 1) inclusive. [Of. Sab., PI. XLVII. 
Nos. 10, 11, 12, 17 (see our PI. VIII. No. 6 ; Types of 
Virgin (j) ) ; PI. XL VIII. 16 Nos. 10, 19, 20 ; PL XLIX. 
Nos. 3, 5.] 

The nimbus is generally adorned with gems. 

(3) Christ with nimbus cruciger seated facing, sometimes 
holding the right hand raised, 1 " 1 from the reign of Basil I. 
and Constantine IX. (869870; British Museum, PI. 
VII. No. 1; Sab., PL XLIY. No. 22) to that of 
Manuel I. Comnenus (11431180; PL LVI. No. 3). 
[Cf. Sab., PL XLVI. Nos. 1, 3, 4, 6, 12; XLIX. Nos. 2, 
4, 16, 17 ; L. Nos. 2, 6, 10.] 

It was on the coins of this type (Sab., PL XLIX. No. 
17) that Isaac I. Comnenus changed the type of the gold 
coinage of the Empire, and impressed on it his own figure 
with a drawn sword in his right hand, thereby, as the 
Byzantine writers pretend, ascribing his elevation to 

16 Concave pieces, called nummi scyphati, began to appear 
under Basil II. and Constantine XI. (9761025), but they did 
not become the prevailing type of the gold, silver, and copper 
coinage until the end of the eleventh century (Finlay, " Greece 
under the Romans," p. 543). Mr. King observes (" Early Christ. 
Num.," p. 77) that " It is a laughable circumstance as proving 
the superior veneration entertained by even the most super- 
stitious of men for the earthly over the heavenly sovereign, 
that it is always the Emperor who enjoys the benefit of the 
shelter of the concave side, the Divine likeness having to bear 
the brunt of circulation upon the convex part." 

17 See vote 11. 


the throne, not to the grace of God, but to his own 
courage. 17 * 

(4) Christ with nimbus cruciger standing facing on the coins 
of Theodora (10551056; British Museum, PI. VII. 
No. 2 ; Sab., PI. XLIX. No. 13 ; see Types of Vir- 

A coin of Romanus I., Constantine X., and Christo- 
phorus (920 944) represents Christ with the cross at the 
back of His Head standing crowning the Emperor Ro- 
manus (British Museum, PL VII. No. 3; Sab., PI. 
XLYI. No. 10.) 

The type of Christ also occurs in the following various 
ways accompanied by the letters ICf XC ('I^roi/s 

B. Letters fC 1(5 in the field. (5) Bust of Christ 
facing on a cross with nimbus. This type first appears on 
the brass coins of John I. Zimisces (969 976 ; Sab., PL 
XL VIII. Nos. 7, 8), but in some cases with the addi- 
tion of the word 6MMANOVHA, and on the reverse 
the legend +lhS4$ XRIST4S bASILH bASIL.6. 
(British Museum, PL VII. No. 4 ; cf. Sab., PL XL VIII. 
Nos. 3, 5, 6). The attribution of these anonymous pieces 
to John Zimisces is founded on a passage of Scylitzes and 
Cedrenus, where it is said that " the Emperor ordered to be 
placed upon the coins the image of the Saviour, which had 
not been done before ; and on the other side Latin letters 
forming the sentence IESVS CHRISTVS REX RE- 
GVM," 18 but this account can only refer to these copper 
coins, as the bust of Christ occurs on coins of all three 

17a Finlay, " Hist, of Byz. and Greek Empires," vol. ii. p. 12. 
18 Eckhel, " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 250 ; Sab., vol. ii. 
p. 143. 


metals of an earlier date. [See above, (1)]. It is some- 


times connected with the legend ^ ^ (Sab., PL 


XL VIII. No. 6) ; or NI+KA (Sab., PL LVIII. No. 18), 


a form, as I have previously stated, occurring on the coins 
of Alexius I. Comnenus (PL LIT. No. 18), and the legend 
may also be found on the copper coins of Romanus IV. 
Diogenes (1067 1070), but here, surrounding the bust 
of Christ represented without the cross or the nimbus, and 
with three globules on either side of His Head. (British 
Museum, PI. VII. No. 5 ; Sab., PL LI. No. 3.) 

The type continues from the time of Theodora (1055 
1056 ; Sab., PL XLIX. No. 14) to that of John VIII. 
Palseologus (14231448; PL LXIV. No. 1), and on 
some of his coins (PL LXIII. Nos. 19, 20) as well as on 
those of his predecessor, Manuel II. (13911423 ; PL 
LXIII. Nos. 7, 9, 10), the bust is surrounded by stars or 
crosses. 19 [Of. Sab., PL L. No. 8; LI. Nos. 1, 13, 14; 
LIL Nos. 5, 6, 15 (10811118 ; only a cross) ; LIII. 
Nos. 1, 7 ; LIV. Nos. 7, 17; LV. Nos. 8 (6 MM AN fc HA), 
9; LVI.^No.Jh LVIII. Nos. 1 (O E MM AN HA), 
7, 13 (TC XC illegible), 15; 18, 19 (12041261; 
only a cross); LIX. No. 8; LX. No. 20; cf. LXII. 

19 On the coins of Manuel, if Sabatier's plates can be trusted 
the similar coins in the British Museum being in too poor 
preservation to read the legends (in two circles) are M AISIO- 

Aor or v(c)XPiTi(fo) Aecnorev TUJN PO- 

MGOON. whilst on those of John VIII. there are clearly 

iw. AecnoTHc o nAAeoAoroc + ov. XA 

PITI BACIAGC TU). PwMeWN " By the grace of 
God, King of the Romans," the Greek equivalent of Dei gratia 
on our own money. See note 15. 

20 Nos. 18 and 19 are anonymous coins attributed to the 


No. 6 (with legend + KVPI6 CWC6N [? CWCON- 
TBC BACIA6IC); LXL No. 16; LXIII. Nos. 5, 8, 

11, 12.] It may also be seen on some of the coins of the 
Emperors of Nicaea and Thessalonica (Sab., PL LXV., 
LXVL). It is sometimes accompanied by the legend 
KG. ROHO6I for Kvp t BOHO6I, Help us, Lord, 
as on the coins of Alexius I. Comnenus (Sab., PI. LIII. 
No. 10), and of Manuel I. Comnenus (PL LY. Nos. 5, 
10; LVI. No. 5). 

(6) Christ with nimbus cruciger seated facing sometimes 
holding the right hand raised? 1 on a brass coin of John I. 
Zimisces (969976 ; Sab., PL XLVIII. No. 4), having 
on the reverse the legend + IS XC bASILG bASILI; 
on a very rare coin of Constantine XIII. Ducas and 
Eudocia (10591067; Sab., PL L. No. 9), on a gold 
coin of Michael VII. Ducas (10711078; British 
Museum, PI. VII. No. 6 ; Sab., PL LI. No. 4), and 
from this time to that of Andronicus IV. Palseologus 
(13711373; Sab., PL LXII. Nos. 19, 21). [Cf. Sab., 
PL LI. Nos. 12, 15, 16; LII. Nos. 3, 13; LIII. Nos. 3, 

12, 17 ; (See our PI. VIII. No. 8) ; LIV. Nos. 8, 16 ; 
LV. No. 12 ; LVI. Nos. 1, 2 ; LVIII. No. 6 ; LIX. Nos. 
1, 9; 22 LXI. No. 10.] The type may also be seen on 
some of the coins of the Emperors of Nicaea and Thes- 
salonica (Sab., PL LXIV LXVII). 23 The words KG. 

Latin Emperors of Constantinople. On the reverse of No. 19 
there is represented the cross above the crescent, whilst two 
crescents are in the field above the bust of Ch'ist on the 
obverse. See note 22. 

21 See note 11. 

22 LIX. No. 1, is a coin of the Latin Emperors of Constanti- 
nople. It has the type of the cross on the crescent. See note 20. 

23 On a silver coin of Theodore III. Vatatses Ducas Lascaris 
(1255 1259 ; Sab., PL LXV. No. 5), there occurs the legend 

1C- AK interpreted by Baron Marc hant ("Lettre," XXIV., 


ROHOGI are sometimes added on the coins of Alexius I. 
Comnenus (Sab., PI. LIT. No. 2), John II. Comnenus 
(PI. LIII. No. 11), whilst on some of Andronicus II. 
Palaeologus and Andronicus III. (1325 1328), the legend 
is in full KVPIG BOHOei (Sab., PI. LXL Nos. 14, 15). 

On some of the coins of Michael VIII. Palaeologus 
(12611282 ; Sab., PI. LIX. Nos. 3 [See our PI. VIII. 
No. 1 ; Types of Virgin (d)'\ to 6) Christ with nimbus 
cruciger or nimbus is seated blessing the kneeling Emperor, 
who is generally accompanied by the Archangel Michael. 

(7) Christ with nimbus cruciger standing facing on the 
coins of Nicephorus III. Botaniates (10781081) with the 
obverse legend C. <f>. N. A. (Kvpie 0vAao-o- Ni/o^opov AecrTro- 

rrjv, Lord, guard the despot Nicephorus ; Sab., PI. LI. 
No. 18), [of. the surfrappe LIX. No. 2], of Alexius I. 
Comnenus (10811118; Sab., PI. LIL Nos. 16, 17 
[with K6. ROH0EI], 20), of Manuel I. Comnenus 
(1143_H80; British Museum, PI. VII. No. 7; Sab., 
PL LV. No. 2), and of the Emperors of Trebizond (Sab., 
PI. LXVIII. No. 14). He is sometimes represented 
standing with nimbus cruciger or nimbus crowning or 
blessing the Emperor or Emperors, as on the coins of 
Michael VII. Ducas (10711078; Sab., PL LI. No. 5), 
John II. Comnenus (11181143; Sab., PL LIII. No. 

pp. 355, 356), 'Lyo-ovs XpKrre [? Xpiorroy] icr^vpoi ACWTKO/HV, may 
Jesus Christ strengthen Lascaris, and adopted by De Saulcy 
(" Essai de Class, des Suites MOD. Byz.," p. 398), and 
Sabatier ("Mon. Byz.," vol. ii. p. 296), but which may 
perhaps be 'I^o-ov Xpiore la-^vpov Aao-Kapiv, Jesus Christ, 
strengthen thou Lascaris. Professor Babington, however, thinks 
that 1C XC is for 'Ii/trovs Xpioro's, standing as the explana- 
tion of the figure. Cf. Sab., vol. ii. p. 190, No. 19; PL LIL 
No. 17, 1C XC O K. ROHGei, 'IgcroOs Xpun-^. & K^ptc 
fioYJOet. X is the abbreviation of Xpto-r, and not XC (see 
our PI. VII. No. 3). 


18), Andronicus I. Comnenus (11821185; Sab., PL 
LVIL Nos. 4, 5, 11), Andronicus II. Pateologus (1282 
1328 the Emperor in prostration before Christ; 
Sab., PI. LX. Nos. 1 5), Andronicus II. and his son 
Michael IX. (12941320; Sab., PI. LX. Nos. 13,14; 
LXI. Nos. 7, 9), Andronicus II., his wife Irene and 
grandson Andronicus III. (13251328; Sab., PI. LXI. 
No. 13), and on some of the coins of the Emperors of 
Nicsea and Thessalonica (Sab., PI. LXIV, LXVIL). 

Some coins of Alexius I. Comnenus, but attributed by 
the late Mr. de Salis to Manuel (British Museum, PI. VII. 
No. 8 ; Sab., PI. LIL No. 22), and Manuel I. Comnenus 
(PI. LYI. No. 8) have the type of a six-rayed cross on 
three steps between the letters Tc" XC* [Of. Sab., PI. 
LVIII. No. 14.] 

The Virgin Mary is also frequently represented on the 
Byzantine Coinage in various postures, generally veiled, 
and accompanied by the letters IVIP 0V (M^nyp eov). 

(a) Bust of Virgin wiled facing and hands raised on a 
gold coin of Leo VI. (886912; Cab. des Med., Paris; 
PI. VII. No. 9; Sab., PL XLV. No. 11). Here we 
have the name -fpriARIA+ as well as the letters 

(b) Bust of Virgin with nimbus facing and hands raised 
first occurs on the brass coins of Theophano (963 ; Sab., 
PL XL VII. No. 9), and of John I. Zimisces (969976; 
Sab., PL XLVIII. No. 9), and may be found on the 
coins of many Emperors down to the time of Andro- 
nicus II. and Michael IX. (12941320 ; Sab., PL LXI. 
No. 5). [Cf. Sab., PL XLIX. Nos. 12 (see our PI. VII. 
No. 10), 15 ; L. No. 5 ; LI. No. 2 ; LIII. No. 19 ; LIV. 
No. 9 ; LVIL Nos. 1, 8 ; LVIII. No. 3 ; LIX. No. 16]. 

(c) Bust of Virgin with nimbus facing holding a medal- 


lion of Christ on her chest, from the time of John I. 
Zimisces (969976; Cab. des Med., Paris, PI. VII. 
NO. 11 ; Sab., PI. XLYII. No. 18) to that of Michael VII. 
Ducas (10711078; Sab., PL LI. No. 7), and generally 
accompanied by the legend 0K. BOH, or BO HOG I 
(eoroKc, fiorjOei, Mother of God, help us; Sab., PI. L. No. 
12; LI. No. 9). [Of. Sab., L. No. 12.] Sometimes the 
medallion rests on her cJiest, whilst the hands of the Virgin 
are raised, as on the coins of Nicephorus III. Botaniates 
(10781081 ; Sab., PI. LI. No. 17), Alexius I. Comnenus 
(10811118; British Museum, PI. VII. No. 12; cf. 
Sab., PI. LII. Nos. 9, 10, 11; No. 21), and John II. 
Comnenus (11181143; Sab., PL LIV. No. 14). 

(d) Bust of Virgin with turreted nimbus on the coins 
of Michael VIII. Pakeologus (1261 1282; British 
Museum, PI. VIII. No. 1 ; Sab., PL LIX. No. 3 ; see 
Types oj Christ (6)), Andronicus II. Pakeologus (1282 
1328 ; Sab., PL LX. Nos. 1, 4), and Andronicus II. and 
his son Michael IX. (12941320 ; Sab., PL LX. Nos. 13, 

(e) Virgin with nimbus seated facing, on coins of John 
II. Comnenus (but with the hands outspread, 1118 1143 ; 
Sab., PL LIV. No. 13), Manuel I. Comnenus (1143 
1180; Sab., LV. No. 6; LVI. No. 4), and Michael VIII. 
Pateologus (12611282; British Museum, PI. VIII. 
No. 2 ; Sab., PL LIX. No. 5). Also on coins of the 
Emperors of Nicsea (Sab., PL LXIV LXVI). 

(f) Virgin with nimbus seated facing holding medallion 
of Christ from the time of Michael VII. Ducas (1071 
1078; Sab., PL LI. No. 5) to that of Andronicus II. 
Pakeologus and Michael IX. (12941320 ; Sab., PL LX. 
No. 16. [Cf. Sab., PL LII. No. 1 ; LIII. No. 18 ; LIV. 
No. 1; LV. No. 11 ; LVI. No. 14; LVII. No. 15.] Also 


on coins of the Emperors of Trebizond (Sab., PL LXVII. 
Nos. 11, 12). 

(g) Virgin with nimbus standing, hands raised and 
medallion of Christ on her chest, on the coins of Alexius I. 
Comnenus (10811118; PI. VIII. No. 3; Sab., PI. 
LII. Nos. 8, 12), and Andronicus I. Comnenus (1182 
1185; Sab., PL LYII. No. 4), all with the legend 
K- ROH06I, and on coins of Isaac II. Angelus (1185 
-1195 ; Sab., PL LVII. No. 20 ; L VIII. No. 5). On some 
of the coins of Andronicus I. the Virgin is holding the 
medallion with both hands (11821185 ; Sab., PL LVII. 
Nos. 5, 11). 

(/t) Virgin with nimbus standing on a cushion holding 
Christ (with nimbus cruciger) in her arms, on the gold 
and silver coins of Romanus IV. Diogenes (1067 1070; 
British Museum, PI. VIII. No. 4 ; Sab., PL L. JR. No. 
15; N. No. 14). 

(i) Virgin with nimbus standing facing and hands raised 
from the time of Constantine XII. Monomachus (1042 
1055; British Museum, PI. VIII. No. 5; Sab., PL 
XLIX. No. 11) to that of Alexius I. Comnenus (1081- 
1118; Sab., PL LII. No. 1, arms folded}. [Cf. Sab., L. 
No. 7; LI. No. 6, with legend 4- 0K. ROH06I TU) 
CU) AOVAU) (@eoTOK f /?o770a TO) 3o6Ao>, 24 Mother of 
God, help thy servant}~\. Sometimes the half-length 
figure of the Virgin is side-faced, as on the coins of 
Manuel I. Comnenus (11431180; Sab., PL L VI. Nos. 
12, 13). 

(j) Virgin with nimbus, full figure, standing crowning or 
blessing Emperor, from the time of Romanus III. Argyrus 

24 On the gold coins of Theophilus (829842 ; Sab., PL 
XLIII. Nos. 4, 5) the legend is CVRIG bOHOH. tO SO 

SOVAO (Ku/oie (Borj6f.i TO) CTOJ 8ouAu>). 
VOL. XV11I. N.S. C C 


(10281034; Sab., PI. XLIX. No. 2) to that of 
Manuel I. Comnenus (11431180; Sab., PL LV. Nos. 7, 
12; LYI. Nos. 2, 3). [Of. Sab., PI. L. No. 2; LIIL 
Nos. 1114; LIY. Nos. 8, 15.] The type may also be 
seen on the coins of the Emperors of Nicaea (Sab., PI. 
LXV. Nos. 2 4). On one coin of John I. Zimisces 
(969976 ; British Museum, PI. VIII. No. 6 ; Sab., 
PI. XLVII. No. 17 ; see Types of Christ (2)) the Virgin 
is represented half-length. 

On a gold coin of Nicephorus II. Focas (963969 ; 
British Museum, PI. VIII. No. 7 ; Sab., PI. XL VII. 
No. 12), she is represented half-length presenting the 
Emperor with a long cross which they both hold, a type 
again appearing on some of the coins of the Emperors of 
Thessalonica (Sab., PI. LXVII. No. 1). On another of 
Theodora, to which I have already alluded (see Types of 
Christ (4) ; our PI. VII. No. 2), she is standing full- 
length with the Empress, both holding the labarum, and on 
some coins of Michael VIII. Palzeologus (12611282 ; 
Sab., PI. LIX. Nos. 10, 11) she is represented half-length 
holding the labarum on which -(-. 

On a brass coin of John V. Paleeologus (13411391 ; 
Sab., PL LXII. No. 17) she is represented as shaking 
hands with the Emperor. 

From these statements it can be gathered that the 
types of Christ and the Virgin were introduced in the 
following chronological order : 


685 Bust facing on cross. 

[Types of Christ (1).] 
869 Seated with nimbus cruciger. 

[Types of Christ (3).] 
886 Bust facing, veiled. 

[Type* of Vini'iu (a).] 



920 Standing with cross at back 
of head. 

[Types of Christ (4).] 
948 Bust facing with nimbus cru- 

[Types of Christ (2).] 

969 Bust facing with nimbus cru- 
ciger and fC XC. 

[Types of Christ (5).] 
Seated with nimbus cruciger 
and 1C XC 
[Types of Christ (6).] 



1055 Standing with nimbus cru- 
[Types of Christ (4).] 

1067 Bust facing without cross 
or nimbus, and 1C X^ 
[Types of Christ (5).] 

1071 Standing with nimbus cru- 
ciger or nimbus crowning 
or blessing Emperor, and 


[Types of Christ (7).] 
1078 Standing with nimbus cru- 
ciger and 1C XC. 

[Types of Christ (7).] 


Bust facing with nimbus 
and hands raised. 
[Types of Virgin (b).] 

Half-length figure present- 
ing cross to Emperor. 
[Types of Virgin (j).] 

Bust facing with nimbus 
holding medallion of 
Christ on her chest. 
[Types of Virgin (c).] 

Half-length figure with 
nimbus crowning or bless- 
ing Emperor. 
[Types of Virgin (j).~] 

Full-length figure with 
nimbus crowning or bless- 
ing Emperor. 
[Types of Virgin (;).] 

Standing with nimbus and 
hands raised. 
[Types of Virgin (t).] 

Full-length figure with 
nimbus holding the laba- 
rum with the Empress. 
[Types of Virgin (_/).] 

Standing with nimbus hold- 
ing Christ with nimbus 
[Types of Virgin (A).] 

Seated with nimbus holding 
medallion of Christ. 
[Types of Virgin (/).] 

Bust with nimbus, medal- 
lion of Christ on chest 
and hands raised. 
[Types of Virgin (tf).] 




1081 Bust facing on cross only 
and I~C-XC. 
[Types of Christ (5).] 




1204 Bust facing on cross only, 


[Types of Christ (6).] 

1282 Standing with nimbus cru- 
ciger blessing prostrate 
Emperor, and JO XC 
[Types of Christ (7).] ' 


1391 Bust surrounded with stars 

or crosses, and 1C XC. 

[Types of Christ (5).] " 

[Types of Christ (5).] 
Seated with nimbus cruciyer 
or nimbus blessing kneel- 
ing Emperor, and |C 


Standing with nimbus, me- 
dallion of Christ on chest 
and hands raised. 
[Types of Virgin (</).'] 

Standing with nimbus and 
arms folded. 
[Types of Virgin (i).] 

Seated with nimbus and 
hands outspread. 
[Types of Virgin ().] 

Seated with nimbus. 
[Types of Virgin ().] 

Half-length figure with 
nimbus side-faced. 
[Types of Virgin (i).] 

Standing with nimbus hold- 
ing medallion of Christ 
with both hands. 
[Types of Virgin (#).] 

Bust with nimbus within 


[Types of Virgin (d).] 
Half-length figure holding 


[Types of Virgin (j).] 

Standing with nimbus 
shaking hands with Em- 
[Types of Virgin (;).] 

The representation of the figures of SAINTS begins to 
come into general use about the time of Michael VI. (1056 
1057). The following SAINTS and ANGELS appear on the 


Byzantine coinage, sometimes standing with the Emperor, 
sometimes alone ; sometimes the bust, full or side-face, 
only is given ; and in some cases the types are accom- 
panied by legends as O APX. MIX., O AHOC 
etc., etc. : 

(1) St. Alexander, on a rare gold coin of Alexander 
(912 913) standing bearded blessing the Emperor and 
holding a globe cruciger (Sab., PL XL VI. No. 3). 

(2) St. Michael the Archangel on coins of Michael VI. 
(10561057; Sab., PL XLIX. No. 16), Isaac II. Angelus 
(11851195; PL LVIL Nos. 15, 17, 21, 22; LVIII. 
Nos. 4, 5, 7, 8), Michael VIII. Palseologus (12611282 ; 
PL LIX. Nos. 37 [See our PL VIII. No. 1], 10, 12, 
14, 15 on horseback), Andronicus II. Palaeologus (1282 
1328; PL LX. Nos. 1012), Andronicus II. and 
Michael IX. (12941320 ; PL LXL Nos. 79), and 
John Angelus Oomnenus, Emperor of Thessalonica (1232 

1234 ; PL LXVII. No. 2). Sometimes St. George occurs 
on the same coins, as on those of Isaac II. Angelus (1185 
1195 ; PL LVIL No. 18), or St. Theodore, as on those of 
Andronicus II. and III. (13251328 ; PL LXII. No. 3), 
or St. Demetrius, as on those of Manuel I. Angelus, Empe- 
ror of Thessalonica (12301232 ; PL LXVI. Nos. 11, 12). 

(3) St. Constantine on the coins of Alexius I. Com- 
nenus (10811118; Sab., PL LIL Nos. 16, 17). 

(4) St. George on the coins of John II. Comnenus 
(11181143; Sab., PL LIII. Nos. 1517 [see our 
PL VIII. No. 8], LIV. Nos. 1, 10, 13), Manuel I. 
Comnenus (1143 1180; PL LVI. No. 10), Andronicus 
I. Comnenus (11821185 ; PL LVIL No. 13), Isaac II. 
Angelus (11851195 ; PL LVIL Nos. 18, 19), Andro- 
nicus II. Palseologus (12821328 ; PL LX. Nos. 6, 8), 


and on the coins of some of the Emperors of Niceea (PI. 
LXV. No. 1; LXVL No. 4). Of. PL LXX. No. 19. 
[See St. Michael.'] 

(5) St. Theodore on coins of Manuel I. Comnenus 
(11431180; Sab., PI. LV. No. 2 [see our PI. VII. 
No. 7]), Isaac Ducas Comnenus (11821191; PI. LVIIL 
No. 9), Andronicus II. and III. (13251328 ; PI. LXII. 
No. 4), and Theodore III. Vatatses Ducas Lascaris, Em- 
peror of Nicsea (12551259; PI. LXYI. Nos. 1, 3, 5, 6). 
[See St. Michael.'] 

(6) St. Demetrius on coins of Manuel I. Comnenus 
(11431180; Sab., PL LV. No. 9), Andronicus II. 
Palsnologus (12821328 ; PL LX. No. 5), Andronicus II. 
and III. (13251328 ; PL LXII. Nos. 7, 12), John V. 
Palseologus (13411391 ; PL LXII. Nos. 1719), and 
of the Emperors of Nictea (PL LXV. Nos. 57, 1113 ; 
LXVL Nos. 2, 3), and Thessalonica (PL LXVII. No. 3.) 
[See St. Michael]. 

(7) St. Andronicus on coins of Andronicus II. and III. 
(13251328 ; Sab., PL LXI. No. 17). 

(8) St. Eugenius on the coins of the Emperors of 
Trebizond (12041462; Sab., PL LXVII. LXVIII. 
No. 1, etc., No. 8 on horseback [see our PI. VIII. 
No. 9] ; PL LXIX., LXX.). 

(9) St. John on coins of John I. Comnenus Axouchos, 
Emperor of Trebizond (12351238; Sab., PL LXVII. 
Nos. 9, 10). 

(10) Unknown on coins of John II. Comnenus (Sab., 
PL LV. Nos. 1, 11, ? St. Theodore), Alexius II. Angelus 
(PL LVIIL No. 9 bis), Manuel II. Pakeologus (PL LXIII. 
No. 13 on horseback, ? St. Demetrius), John VIII. Palaso- 
logus (PL LXIV. No. 2, ? St. John}, and Manuel I. An- 
gelus, Emperor of Thessalonica (PL LXVL No. 9). 


The head or body of a Seraph, surrounded by wings, 
occurs on the coins of Andronicus I. Comnenus (Sab., 
PI. LVII. Nos. 9, 10), Andronicus II. and Michael IX. 
(PL LX. No. 19 ; LXI. No. 11), and John III. Ducas 
Vatatses, Emperor of Nicaea (PL LXX. No. 15), very 
similar in form to the Seraphim and Cherubim, engraved 
in Smith and Cheetham, " Dictionary of Christian Anti- 
quities," s. v. " Angels and Archangels." 

On some coins of Romanus I. and II., Constantirie X., 
Nicephorus II. Focas, John Zimisces, Basil II., Manuel I. 
Comnenus, and Alexius III. Angelus Comnenus, the 
initial letters of the names of these Emperors are so 
placed as to form a cross (Sab., PL I. Nos. 54 60, 6-3, 
68, 69) ; 25 in some cases, as on the coins of Romanus I. 
and II., taking the form of an anchor (Nos. 53, 54, 55), 
whilst on the coins of Romanus IV., Alexius I. Comnenus 
and Baudouin (Nos. 65, 67, 71), the initials are figured 
around a Maltese cross. 

To the reign of John I. Zimisces (969976) is attri- 
buted by Eckhel 26 a remarkable brass coin or medal, 


25 On the coin of Alexius III. the monogram is K+<J> (Sab., 


PL I. No. 69 ; PL LVIII. No. 10). M. de Saulcy has sug- 
gested (" Essai de Class, des Suites Mon. Byz.," p. 359) as 
its interpretation 'AAetos "AyyeAos Ku/Ho0i'Aos, quoting in 
corroboration the inscription on an enormous medallion of 
Nicephorus III. Botaniates (with the bust of the Virgin), 
published by Ducange (" Fam. Byz.," p. 137; cf. Sab., vol. ii. 
p. 179, note) OK. BOH0GI NIKhWOPfl <MAO 
there would be nothing strange in the analogous express'on 
<KA.os Kvptov or Kupto^t'Aos ; but K4* can scarcely stand for 
Kvpio0i'Aos. It is perhaps preferable to interpret these letters as 
Kvpt (uAacro-e 'AAeiov 'AyyeAov [see Types of Christ (5), and 
our PI. VII. No. 5 ; and Types of Christ (7) ; Sab., PL LI. 
No. 18]. - 6 Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. p. 251. 


which Tanini 27 had given to Constantine I., of which 
the following is a description : 

Obv. Protome adversa nimbata servatoris prorninentibus 
pone crucis radiis. 

Rev. AN ACT AC 1C. Templum rotundum, hinc et 
illinc miles excubitor humi jacens. ^E. II. 

It at one time caused considerable discussion, 28 and the 
temple on it has been supposed to represent the church 
built by Constantine I. the Great, over the Sepulchre at 
Jerusalem from which Christ arose (T^S o-om^ou 'ANA2- 
TASEO3 yuapTvpiov), 29 and hence the name of Anastasis, i.e. 
Resurrection, and the orthodox Greek Church commemo- 
rates the dedication of the Church of the Anastasis, by 
Constantine the Great ('Ey/caiVia TOV NaoO 1-775 dyias rov XptoroG 
K al eov r)/xSv 'ANASTASEO2), on September 13th. 30 But, 
as Eckhel has remarked, why go to Jerusalem for this 
church, when Sozomen relates 31 that Gregory of Nazian- 
zen preached at Constantinople in a dwelling which had 
been altered into a house of prayer, and which, subse- 
quently, became one of the most remarkable in the city 
by the magnificence of its decorations and the special 
revelations which were there vouchsafed by the grace of 
God. Sozomen adds that "the name of Anastasia was 
given to this church ('ANA^TA^IAN Se ravrrjv rr/v (KK\.rj<ruxv 
6vofjidt,ov<nv) , because (as he believed) the Nicene doctrines 

27 Page 280. 

28 See "H. Valesii Epistola de Anastasi et Martyrio Hiero- 
solymitano," in Eusebius, " Vita Const.,'' ed. Heinichen, p. 501, 
Lips. 1830. 

29 Euseb. " Vit. Const.," iii., c. 28, 29 seq. ; " Orat. de laud. 
Const.," c. 9. 

30 Prof. Cheetharn, Smith and Cheetham, "Diet, of Christ. 
Antiq.," s, v. "Anastasis." 

31 "Hist. Eccles.," vii., c. 5. 


which were buried beneath the errors of heterodoxy at 
Constantinople, were here brought to light (dvamj) and 
maintained by Gregory," whilst others, he says, "ascribe 
the origin of this name to a miracle, and relate that one 
j when the people were met for prayer, a pregnant 
woman fell from the highest gallery and was found dead, 
>ut that at the prayer of the whole congregation she was 
restored to life, and she and her infant were saved." 

Whatever may be the interpretation of the legend, I 
must add that no specimen of this piece is in the British 
Museum ; that no mention is made of it either by 
De Saulcy or Sabatier, and that it does not seem to me to 
be above suspicion. Sla 

During the same reign some brass coins or tokens, 
which have been published by Dr. Friedlaender, slb were 
issued, (1) having on the obverse the bust of Christ, with 
nimbus and the letters 1C XC, and on the reverse the 
legend GUlAAN ElZeiTOY CneiMHTAC - 

31a From a representation of this piece in Marnachi (" Orig. 
et Ant. Christ.," vol. i. p. 287, ed. Matranga, Rom. 1841), with 
a drawing of which I have been favoured by Professor Babing- 
ton, it would seem that this is a medal, and certainly of much 
later date than the time of Constantine. It was formerly in the 
Vettori Museum. Another medal given by the same author 
(vol. i. p. 240) has a similar bust of Christ on the obverse, but 
on the reverse the legend REDEMTIO FILMS HOMI 
NVM IORDA (in exergue), and the type the baptism of 
Christ by John. De Rossi ( Bullett. di Arch. Crist.," 1869, 
p. 58) thinks that the ANACTACIC medal was made to be 
bought by the pilgrims as souvenirs of their visit to the Church 
of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, and evidently considers it 
mediieval, but says that both it and the IORDA medal are 
" non meno incerte ed enigmatiehe " than the Pasqualini medal 
[see note 35], The "Jordan medal" is now in the Vatican, 
and De Rossi confesses that he cannot form in his mind " un 
giudizio sull' eta e sull' arti di questa medaglie " in fact, he 
rather suspects its genuineness. 

sib <c Numismatische Zeitschrift," Vienna, vol. ii., 1870. 



OTP6<I>UJN, and (2) on the obverse AA N6IZGI 
O6UJ, and on the reverse OGAG WiSHTTUJ-XON, 

which may be interpreted, eu> Savtife rov<s TreV^ras 6 rpe^coi/ 
and 8ai/eia ec3 6 eAeW TTT^XOV (He that hath pity upon the. 
poor lendeth unto the Lord). Both are translations of the 
same Hebrew verse (Prov. xix. 17), and the latter is the 
exact translation of the LXX. The first piece is in the 
collection of Prince Philip of Saxe-Coburg, the second 
in the Museum at Basle. Dr. Friedlaender remarks, " It 
is curious that the coins of the smallest value are always 
those which remind the possessor to give them to the 

During the reign of John II. Comnenus (1118 1143), 
according to the late Baron Marchant, 32 or of John V. 
Palseologus (1341 1391), according to the late Mr. de 
Salis, and with greater probability, a most remarkable 
brass coin was issued representing the Emperor with 
nimbus holding the labarum on which X, and on the 
reverse the three Magi worshipping the Virgin and child, 

accompanied by the letters 6 ^ (PL VIII. KTo. 10). 

This piece, which is in the British Museum, is considered 
by Mr. Grueber to be undoubtedly genuine. The inscrip- 
tion is probably G YAOyGn-e or rather GYAOy^Gr*;, which 
would not be inappropriate, as we know that the Virgin 
was hailed by her cousin Elizabeth as " Blessed among 
women, and blessed the fruit of her womb " (EvAoy^eVi; o-v 

vyvvail, Kal ev\oyr;/x,cVos 6 KapTros rijs KOiAias trov. Luke i. 42). 

Another specimen of very similar reverse type, but 
having on the obverse the bust of Christ facing with 
nimbus cruciger and the legend GMMANVHL (sic), was 
formerly in the Pembroke Collection, and passing into the 

32 " Mel. de Numismatique." 


Cabinet of the late Mr. Wigan, is now in the possession of 
the Rev. S. S. Lewis (PI. VIII. No. 11), who has pub- 
lished and engraved it in the new edition of Dr. Farrar's 
"Life of Christ/' 33 Mr. Lewis most kindly sent me the 
piece to see, and I must confess that I am not altogether 
favourably impressed with its appearance. I may observe 
that Mr. Burgon, the author of the "Pembroke Sale Cata- 
logue," 34 classed it among "early fabrications in copper 
bearing imaginary types," and stated that " the composi- 
tion can hardly be regarded as genuine, but as the metal 
and surface are antique, it must (if false) have been pro- 
duced by means of a punch and an engraving tool, princi- 
pally by the former. The workers in niello, in Italy, in 
the fifteenth century, used their tools in a manner which 
is almost inconceivable." If, however, there is no doubt 
about the authenticity of the piece in the British Museum, 
we can hardly reject this one as spurious on account of 
its composition. The two birds (? doves) in the exergue 
of the reverse are suggested by Mr. Lewis to " delicately 
symbolise the Purification." 35 

It may be, as Martigny has suggested, 36 that medals or 

33 Ed. Cassell, Fetter and Galpin, p. 21. M Page 824. 

35 Professor Babington has pointed out to me that Do Rossi 
(" Bullett. di Arch. Crist.," 1869, p. 45) gives a figure of what 
he is fully persuaded is this medal, but drawn about three times 
the natural size. The figure is from a drawing by Menetrier, 
made in 1629, and now in the Imperial (National) Library at 
Paris. It was then in the possession of Pasqualini, afterwards 
in the Kircherian Museum, and is now, according to De Rossi, 
lost (smarrito). De Rossi inclines to think it belongs to about 
the second half of the fifth century or the first half of the sixth 
(" Bullett.," p. 54), but Professor Babington does not believe it 
is nearly so old, and from its style considers it to be at least 
as late as the time of John Zimisces, in which view I fully 
agree. See note 31a. 

36 "Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," p. 383. 


medallions of this description were frequently struck for 
suspending round the neck, as was done with the verres 
dores with the same subject. 37 

The representation of the Adoration of the Magi on 
both these pieces, especially on the latter, is very similar 
to that on a fresco of the cemetery of Callistus, engraved 
by Martigny, 38 or to that on a fresco in the cemetery of 
St. Marcellinus, engraved by the Rev. W. H. Withrow. 39 

On the 29th of May, 1453, Mahomet II. made his 
general assault on Constantinople. In vain had the 
celestial image of the Virgin been exposed in solemn 
procession. The last of the Palgeologi, Constantine XI 1 1.* 
fell by an unknown hand on the walls of his capital. 
" It was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Con^ 
stantinople, which had defied the power of Chosroes, the 
Chagan, and the Caliphs, was irretrievably subdued by 
the arms of Mahomet II. Her empire only had been 
subverted by the Latins; her religion was trampled in 
the dust by the Moslem conquerors." 40 

Mahomet II. immediately issued coins (Sab., PI. LXIY, 
Nos. 4, 5) with the barbarous legend, +OM M6AHKIC 
TOAHC MAXAMATHC, which has been explained 
by the late M. Lenormant, the Sovereign of all Greece and 
Anatolia, Mahomet. 


37 Garrucci, " Vetri.," iv. No. 9. 

38 "Diet, des Antiq. Chret.," p. 883. 

39 " The Catacombs of Rome," p. 306. Lond. 1877. 

40 Gibbon, " Rom. Emp.," eel. Smith, vol. viii. p. 172. 


INTRODUCTION. I am indebted to the Rev. Prof. Churchill 
Babington for the following note : " Some have thought 
that a few scattered examples of Christian symbols are 
earlier than the reign of Constantine. Among the kings 
of Edessa, Abgar Bar Manu, or Abgar VIII. (who reigned 
A.D. 153 188, according to Langlois), is said to have been 
' a holy man ' (iepos av^p, Jul. Afric. in Euseb. ' Chron.,' 
Olymp. 149, 1), and as he patronised the Christian Bar- 
desanes, and forbade the worship of Cybele, it has been 
inferred that he was a Christian, and this inference is 
thought to be ' strengthened by the fact that on the 
coins of this prince the usual symbols of the old national 
worship are for the first time wanting, and the sign of 
the cross appears in their place.' (JSTeander, ' Ch. Hist./ 
vol. i. p. Ill; Bohn, following Bayer, 'Hist. Osr. et 
Edess. ex Num. illustr.,' lib. iii. p. 171, who figures two 
coins of an Abgarus, contemporary with Severus and bear- 
ing his head, in which a cross appears on the tiara.) The 
cross is formed in one case of five dots (pearls), in the 
other the central dot becomes oval. The chronology of 
these kings is doubtful. Neander places Abgar Bar 
Manu between 160 170, but it seems impossible, in any 
case, that these coins can belong to him. The cross, how- 
ever (apparently of five united dots), 41 is found on a coin 

41 A coin of Abgar and Commodus, obtained in the East by 
the Rev. G. I. Chester, now in the possession of the Rev. Prof. 
Babington, has a cross formed by two lines apparently ; but 
these may have been five dots in the perfect state of the coin. 


of Abgarus having the head of Commodus on the reverse 
(Langlois, ' Num. de PArmenie,' PI. IV. No. 7), who may 
be Abgar VIII. That which is certain about these coins 
is, that on some coins of an Abgar contemporary with 
Severus, a cross occurs on the diadem, while on others we 
have the crescent surmounted by a star, taken by Bayer 
and Neander to be the symbols of the old national wor- 
ship. Upon the whole it seems best to regard the cross 
as only a cruciform star, with which the heads of the 
Dioscuri are sometimes surmounted, without any Christian 

I am quite of Prof. Babington's opinion, and the coin 
of Abgar and Commodus that is engraved (PI. VIII. 
No. 12), shows a + or a X on the tiara of Abgar. 

I. The Padre Garrucci has called my attention to 
some of the brass coins of the Emperor Maxentius, on 
which an hexastyle temple is represented, on the tym- 
panum of which may be seen X and ^ (PI. VIII. 
Nos. 13, 14), stating that these signs can be explained by 
the arbitrary acts of the mint-masters, who were for the 
most part Christians at the time when Maxentius ap- 
peared to reconcile himself to the Church, recognising its 
Head and restoring the use of the cemeteries in Home to 
the Christians, and adding that he will give a more 
detailed explanation in his " Storia dell' arte Cristiana." 

I am unable to find out about " the restoration of the 
cemeteries," but Eusebius states 42 that Maxentius, who 
had made himself master of Rome, "at first made an 
hypocritical profession of our religion to please and flatter 
the people of Rome, and commanded his subjects to for- 
bear persecuting the Christians, pretending to piety and 

43 "Hist. Eccles.," viii. c. 14. 


desiring to appear much more mild and merciful than his 
predecessors. But he by no means proved in his actions 
such as was expected." 

It is just possible that these may be Christian symbols, 
as Garrucci suggests, but it is doubtful. 

XIV. The Padre Garrucci sends me a description of 
the following unpublished gold coin of Constantine I. the 
Great : 

crowned with gems and laurels, or surrounded 
by laurels interwoven with gems, with paluda- 
mentmn and cuirass. 

Rev. RESTITVT. ORBIS. Constantine to the 
right in military dress, with a globe in his right 
hand, leaning on a spear ; opposite a female 
figure holding a crown to place on his head ; 
between them a cross, + & 

XV. note 168. After " later date " add : Indeed, it has 
been suggested (" Edinburgh Review/' vol. cxx. 1864, p. 
$J29) that this inscription refers to the Emperor Flavius 
Constantius and Constantius Gallus Caesar, who were 
consuls in 352, 353, and 354. 

XXV. The Padre Garrucci has also called my attention 
to the coin of Pulcheria, on which I read the word N P B T 1 1 S 
(sic), stating that this should be NMBTIIS, this form of 
the u (M) being in use in the East, and on a brass coin of 
Anastasius it is so engraved by De Saulcy. 43 Mr. Grue- 
ber has kindly examined for me the coins in the British 
Museum, and on several of those of Basiliscus (476 477 ; 
cf. Sab., PL VIII. No. 14) this letter occurs. The use of 
the form N, however, seems to have been limited, and is 
not the one which was afterwards generally adopted in the 

43 " Essai de Class, des Suites Mon. Byz.," PI. I. No. 4. 


East. On the coins of Tiberius II., a century later (574 
582), the form of the u is H , and after this period this 
latter form becomes quite common on the coins of the 
Byzantine Empire. 

XXVI. Types of Christ (7) ; Saints (3). The coins 
given by Sabatier (PI. LII. Nos. 16, 17) to Alexius I. Com- 
nenus were attributed by the late Mr. de Salis to 
Alexius III. Angelus (1195 1203). 44 

F. W. M. 

44 F. W. Madden, " Blacas Collection," " Num. Chron.," 
N.S., 1868, vol. viii. p. 56. 


1. Obv. D. N. IVSTINIANVS P. P. AVG. Bust 

of Justinian I. with diadem to the right. 

Rev.k f W- ^. 

(British Museum ; Sab., PI. XII. No. 15.) 

2. Obv. D. N. IVSTINVS 6T [IVST]INIAN. Busts 

of Justin I. and Justinian I. facing, both with 
nimbus; beneath, VITA. 

fte Vf Index K with the differential A; to the left a 
long cross between the letters j ^- ^E- 

(British Museum ; Sab., PI. XI. No. 22.) 

3. Obv. D. N. JVSTINIANVS P. AG {sic). Bust 

of Justinian I. to the right with diadem. On 
the chest the ^ (reversed). 

Rev. Index M, with the differential I", between a star 
and a long cross ; above, a small cross ; in the 
exergue KART. &. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PL XII. No. 22.) 

4. Obv. D. N. Tib. CONSTANT. P. P. AV. I. 

Bust of Tiberius II. Constantine facing, wearing 
a diadem surmounted by a cross, holding a globe 
on which a cross, and a shield ornamented with a 

Rev. VICTORIA AVGG.T. Cross on four steps; 
in the exergue CONOB. N. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XXII. No, 13.) 



5. Obv.D. m. COST[ANT]INVS (sic) P. P. AG. 

(sic). Bust of Tiberius II. Constantine to right, 
with diadem. 

Rev. VICTOR TlbERI A MS. Cross on a circle ; 

in the exergue C O M O B . Hatf-solidus. N. 
(British Museum; cf. Sab., PL XXII. No. 17.) 

6. Obv. DD. NN. hGRACLIVS 6T H6RA. 

CONST. Heraclius and his son, Heraclius 
Constantine, seated facing, wearing diadems 
surmounted by crosses, and each holding a 
globe cruciger ; between their heads a small 

Rev.-DEVS ADIVTA ROmANIS. Cross on a 
globe placed on three steps within a wreath. JR. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XXIX. No. 23.) 

7. Obv. 6N TtfTO NIK A. Heraclius with diadem 

surmounted by a cross standing facing, holding 
a long cross and a globe cruciger. 

Rev. Index M between two crosses ; above, a cross ; in 
the exergue CRTS (for KARTS). M. 
(Sab., PI. XXVIII. No. 26.) 

8. Obv. CONST. LO P. P. Bust of Constantine V. 

Copronymus and his son Leo IV. facing, with 
diadems surmounted by crosses, Constantine 
holding a globe cruciger ; between them a small 
cross; above, a hand descending from heaven. 

Rev. IVCTORI (sic) AVSTO (sic). Cross on three 
steps between a star and the letter R (? Ka- 
venna) ; in the exergue CONOB. N. 

(British Museum ; Sab., PL XL. No. 22.) 

9. Obv. COh StAhXl hSLON COh 
^bA SILIS in five lines within a beaded 
circle. (Constantine V. Copronymus and Leo IV. 
his son.) 

Rev. lhS4S XRISHMS MCA. Cross on three 
steps. ^Ei. 

(British Museum; cf. Sab., PL XL. No. 25.) 


The obverse legend, which is very difficult, Prof. Bab- 
ington thinks may perhaps be Koojxrrai/rii'os cvorc^^s /cat 
AeW euo-c/3^5 6 vc'os, /3acriAeis, The Pious Constantine and 
pious Leo the Younger, kings. 

On two gold coins of Leo IV. (Sab., PI. XLI. Nos. 2, 3) 
representing his grandfather, Leo III. (TraTTTros), his father, 
Constantine V. Copronymus (Tra-nfc), himself, and his son 
Constantine VI. (6 ve'os), there occurs the word VSSES- 
SON, which has not till recently been even partially 
explained. Dr. Friedlaender has suggested 45 that VS 
stands for vioc, so that we have the relationship of the 
grandfather, the father, the son (6 wds), and the young son 
clearly defined; but as to S6SSON, he can only sug- 
gest that it is connected with the Byzantine word creWos 
(Lat. sessus), which is used frequently for throne, and in 
this case may allude to the joint reign of Leo IV. and his 
son Constantine VI. 

10. Obv. +|U)Ahh, hXU)AVGO CRAT, 

eVSb bASILeVS RWmAIW in five 
lines within a beaded circle ornamented with 
eight globules. 

Rev. +IKS^S XRISTiMS hlCA*. Cross on two 
steps, and having in its centre a circle bearing 
the bust of John I. Zimisces, on either side of 

which the letters Jj ('Io>ai/i/r;s). M. 
(British Museum ; Sab., PI. XLVII. No. 19.) 
The obverse legend is 'looawiys ei/ Xpto-T<5 avro/cparw/a cucre/irys 

us c Pa>//,aiW, John in Christ, ruler, pious King of the 


of Justinian II. Khinotmetus facing, with orna- 
mented diadem, holding a cross on three steps, 
and a globe on which is the word PAX, sur- 
mounted by a cross. 

46 " Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik," Berlin, vol. iv. 18761877. 


Rev. dN. I hS- ChS. RX R6GNANTIHM. Bust 
of Christ facing on a cross, giving the benediction 
with the right hand, and holding the Gospels in 
the left. N. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XXXVII. No. 2.) 

12. 0k.-COhSTAht. C. ROmAh. A4SS- bR. 

Busts of Constantino X. and his son Romanus II. 
facing with diadem, holding together and between 
them a long cross. 

of Christ facing, with nimbus, on a cross, giving 
the benediction and holding the Gospels. N. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PL XLVI. No. 18.) 

The obverse legend is Kajvoranrivos K 

'Pw/Acwan/, Constantinc and Romanus Augusti, kings 
of the Romans. 


1. obv. LASILIOS6T COh Si A hi- A<4S S . b- 

Busts of Basil I. and Constantino IX. facing, 
with diadem, surmounted by a cross, holding 
together and between them a long cross. 

Bev. +lhS. XPS. RX R6SNANTIMM. Christ 
with nimbus on cross seated facing, giving the 
benediction with the right hand raised, holding 
in the left the Gospels. Jf. 

(British Museum; Sab., PI. XLIV., No. 22.) 

The obverse legend is /ScunAios et (for *<u) 

/?a<riA.cTs, Basil and Constantine Augusti, kings. 

2. Obv. +eOAUJPA AVfOVCTA. The Virgin with 
nimbus (on either side of whom are the letters 
M 0), and Theodora with diadem, and dress 
ornamented with -f- on a medallion, holding 
together and between them the labarum. 


Christ with nimbus on cross, standing facing, 
holding in the left hand the Gospels, jr. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XLIX. No. 13.) 

8. Ob?. COhSUANTJ/eT; XPISTiOF. b- R. Busts 
of Constantino X. and Christophorus facing, with 
diadem, surmounted by cross, holding together 
and between them a long cross. 

Her. +xe. bOHeei ROMAHW SCSPO^H. 

Romanus I. standing facing, with diadem, sur- 
mounted by a cross, holding in right hand a globe 
cruciyei- ; to the right Christ with head on cross 
standing, placing his right hand on the head of 
the Emperor, jr. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XLVI. No. 10.) 

The obverse legend is probably KWorai/Ttvos et (for KOI) 
Xprro<dpos /?a<Aets 'Pw/^aiW, the reverse X/CHO-TC {JoyOu 
TVavoi Bfo-TTorr). The formula XPTT bOHO!, instead 
of the usual KV/H bOH0l, is of rare occurrence, and 
may be corroborated by a Byzantine lead seal, published by 
Herr Miller, 46 on the obverse of which is the inscription 
XpiCre Bo-TjOfL TW Cw A&AUJ, and on the reverse 
+ANA P6AM AAAA TOPI, and which from the 
;t that Andreas bears the title of MavSarwp (one who 
ives or carries [orders]), an office in vogue under Con- 
itine X. Porphyrogenitus (912 959), has been attri- 
mted by Herr Miller to the reign of this Emperor. 
[. Le Bas has published 47 a marble found in the island of 
los with the inscription X6BOH06I (XpwrE ySo^t), 
md though it is impossible to fix a date without seeing this 
lonument, Herr Miller thinks that it is probably of the 
ie age as the seal of Andreas. It may be added that on 


the coins of a later date of Andronicus II. Palaoologus and 
Andronicus III., the legend 1C XC, 'I>?crovs Xpurrds 
KVPI6 BOH 06 1 may be found (Sab., Pl.'LXI. Nos. 
14, 15. See Types of Christ (6)). 

4. Qbv. +6MMANOVHA. Bust of Christ with 

nimbus, on the cross, facing, giving the benedic- 
tion and holding the Gospels ; on either side 



B AS I LG in four lines. M. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PL XLVIII. No. 5.) 


5. Obv. TA Kv/oie fioyOci. c Pw/Aai/<3 A<TTTOT?;. Lord, 


help the despot Romanus. 

Rev. Bust of Christ facing, bare, with three globules on 
either side, holding the Gospels, accompanied by 

the legend jI 
(Britis'-i Museum; Sab., PL LI. No. 3.) 

6. Ota. MIXAHA RACIA [? O. A.]. Bust of 
Michael VII. Ducas, facing, with diadem, sur- 
mounted by cross, holding labarum and globe 

Rev. Christ with nimbus on cross, seated facing, holding 
the Gospels; on either side 1C XC. Con- 
cave, N. 

(British Museum; Sab. PL LI. No. 4.) 

Obverse legend Mix<xi)X /3a<riXevs. The letters O A., if 
these letters occur, as given by Sabatier, probably stand 
for 6 

7. Obv. mANBHA O G6OAUiPOC. Manuel I. Com- 
nenus and St. Theodore with nimbus, standing, 
holding together and between them a long cross 
on a globe ; both placing their hands on the 
hilts of their swords. 


Rev. Christ with nimbus cruciyer standing, facing, on a 
cushion, between the letters 1C XC, and two 
eight-rayed stars. Concave, N. 

(British Museum ; Sab., PI. LV. No. 2.) 

8. Obv. Bust of Alexius I. or Manuel I. Comnenus facing, 
with diadem, surmounted by cross, holding the 
labanim and globe cruciyer. 

(British Museum ; Sab., PI. LII. No. 22.) 


Bust of Leo VI. facing, with diadem, surmounted 
by cross, holding globe cruciger. 

Rev. +(YlARIA+. Bust of the Virgin facing and 
veiled, raising her hands ; on either side 


(Cab. des Med., Paris; Sab., PI. XLV. No. 11.) 

Obverse legend AeW kv Xpioru) /3ao-iAeus 'Pw/xaiW, Leo in 
*ist, king of the Romans. 


nOTHTCD MONOMA, in five lines. 

Rev. M. RAAK6 b [NIT]ICA (sic). Bust of the Vir- 
gin of Blachernre facing, with nimbus, raising her 
hands, on either side >P 0V. -#*. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. XLIX. No. 12.) 

The obverse legend is COTOKC /3orj6tt EWoravTiVa> 

j/o/u,ax<t>, Mother of God, help Constantine Monomachus 
\e despot. 

The reverse refers to the Virgin of Blachernse. The 
iburb of Blachernae was situate at the extreme limits of 
Constantinople beyond the fourteenth region. Theo- 

nus II., in 413, surrounded it with a wall which in 447 


was destroyed by earthquake, but rebuilt iii three months 
by the prsefect Cyrus. Within this suburb, which was 
not taken into the city till the time of Heraclius, 48 the 
Empress Pulcheria is said to have erected a temple to the 
Virgin called ^Edes Blackemiance, which Justin I. re- 
stored, and the tops of the columns of which Romanus 
Argyrus (who reigned about ten years before Constan- 
tine XII. Monomachus), adorned with gold. On account 
of the many miracles said to have been performed here 
especially that relating to the veil which covered, or 
rather hung in front of, the image of the Virgin in the 
temple, and which was every now and then taken up to 
heaven by no human aid, thus exposing the face to view 
for a few days, and then returning to its place the 
temple and image were held in high esteem. It was 
burnt down during the reign of Romanus Diogenes, but 
eventually Andronicus II. Palseologus restored it, and 
further adorned it ; 49 and on some of his coins may be 

To ie ITOS 7-175 /?a<rtA.eias 'HpaKAei'ov tKrurOrj TO ret 

/cat a.TTK\iOrf raj0ei> 6 vaos TYJS Travaytas &GOTOKOV, 
Kat ^ ayta <ropo<s, rrpwyv yap e^<t)0fv. TOUT&J TOJ tret (17) KTi(r@Tr) 
TO rectos 7Tpi rot) OIKOV TTJS Aeo-TrotV^s ^/xere/o^s TOV COTOKOU 
!a>0ev TOV KaXov^ivov IlTepov. " Chron. Alex.," ad ann. Heracl. 
XV. and XVII. ; Ducange, " Const. Christ.," lib. i. c. xi. 

49 " Situm Deiparae Blachernarum aedis designat Petrus 
Gyllius (lib. i. cap. xxi., et lib. iv. cap. v.), 'Prope Xyloportum 
et angulum urbis occidentalem inter radices sexti Collis et 
Sinum, ubi stetit Deiparse sedes Blacherniana.' ^Edem vero 
Deiparae Blachernianam a Pulcheria Augusta primum aadificatain 
scribunt passim praeter Zonaram, Scriptores Byzantini, Theo- 
dorus, &c. Hanc aedein postmodum de novo instauravit 
Justinus Senior ut auctor est Procopius ('De asdif.,' lib. i. 
cap. iii. and vi.) at cum forma oblonga esset, ut ait idem 
ecriptor. Columnarum capita auro exornasse Romanuin Argy- 
rum addit idem Cedrenus (pag. 429) ut et Glycas. Denique 
solo terms incensum fuisse sub Romano Diogene (' Indict.,' 
viii. refert Scylitzes, pag. 833), restauratum postmodum novis 
ornamentis et nova aedificiorum accessione auxit inire Andro- 


found the letters B A on either side of the bust of the 
Virgin within the walls of Constantinople (Sab., PI. LX. 
No. 4 ; Types of Virgin (d)}. 

11. Obv. 0C. bO. TDOIS bASILS. Bust of the 
Virgin with nimbus facing, holding on her chest 
a medallion of Christ on the cross ; on either 
side fif 0V. 

BW. +meR0M DeooEASm oeis. se et 

niZOOhOM CAROli Ki in five lines. 

(Cab. des He'd., Paris; cf. Sab., PL XLVII. No. 18.) 

I have to thank M. Henry Cohen, of Paris, for an im- 
pression of this rare coin. The obverse legend is eord/ce 
fiorjOet TOIS paaiXeuo-i, i.e. Mother of God, help the Kings, 
and probably refers to John Zitnisces in association with 
the two sons of Romanus II. Basil II. and Constan- 
tine XI. The reverse legend is more difficult and has 
been variously interpreted. M. de Saulcy, who published 
this coin, 50 explained it as " M^rcp eov SeSoaoy>iev>7 6 ets o-c 
eA.7ua>i/ OVK aTTOTvyxdvci, OU bien encore OVK a7TOT//,os ^aipeorai ; 

Mere de Dieu, pleine de gloire, celui qui met en toi son 
esperance n'echoue jamais dans ses projets, ou bien n'est 

nicus Senior, &c Prsedictis addo, Blachernianam asdem 

ob ejusmodi sacras reliquias, atque adeo ob crebra miracula, 
quibus ilia potissimum coruscabat, tantae fuisse venerationis, 
etiam apud exteros ut illius appellatione Deiparaa sacras alias 
aades sibi aadificarint." Ducange, "Const. Christ.," lib. i. 
c. xi. Ducange also quotes an unknown author, who speaks of 
the " crebras sanitates quoa Deiparae interventu eo in templo ab 
aegris obtinebantur." In the " Archaeologia " (vol. xiv. pp. 
231 243) is an account of the walls of Constantinople, by the 
Rev. James Dallaway. The towers in the region of Blachernaa 
still survive, and " exhibit the Gothic architecture of the 
Middle Ages in England " (p. 237). 

50 " Essai de Class, des Suites Monetaires Byzantines," p. 
244; Blanche XXII. No. 1. 



jamais malheureux, mais est comble de biens" the latter 
reading being adopted by M. Sabatier. 51 Both authors 
transcribe the last line of the legend as CAFIOT'X', and 
both engrave a X as the final letter. Mr. Grueber, who 
had the cast made for me from the impression, seemed to 
think there was little doubt of the last letter being any- 
thing but a X, and in this case the only reading that 
suggested itself was dTrorev'^ertu Xpio-Tov. Not, however, 
feeling quite satisfied about it, I sent the cast to Prof. 
Babington, who, rejecting De Saulcy's reading as unten- 
able, thinks that the last letter is a K and not a X, and 
that it should be interpreted Kupiov, this being somewhat 
more in accordance with Biblical usage than Xprroi> 
would be. If this view be correct, the last line of the 
inscription is CAnO"D'K, and the whole legend may be 

read M^rep 0eo SeSo^aa/xen? 6 ets (re eA.7riwi/ OVK a7roTeveTcu 

Kvpi'ov, glorified Mother of God, he that trusteth in thee 
shall not fail of the Lord. 

12. Obv. +0K6 ROHOei 

TUJ KOM NHNW in six lines. 

Rev. Bust of the Virgin with nimbus facing, raising 
both hands ; on her chest a medallion of the 
infant Jesus ; on either side M 3 0V. M. 

(British Museum; cf. Sab., PL LII. Nos. 10, 11.) 
The obverse legend is OTOK fioriOii 'AXc^io) Aeo-Tro-n; r<3 

opvyvw, Mother of God, help the despot Alexius Comnenus. 


1. Obv. 5(M. [A] -- OIlAAeO (in the field). Christ 
with nimbus on cross seated facing ; at his feet 
Michael VIII. Palaeologus kneeling, supported by 
the Archangel Michael ; on either side of the 
head of Christ 1C* XCf. 

81 " Mon. Byz.," vol. ii. p. 141. 


Rev. Bust of the Virgin with nimbus facing, with hands 
raised, and encircled by the walls of Constanti- 
nople adorned with towers ; on either side of the 
head of the Virgin fyf 0V. Concave, N. 
(British Museum; cf. Sab., PI. LIX. No. 3.) 
The obverse legend is Mi^a^X SccrTroTrjs 6 noAcuoAoyos. 52 
This type commemorates the restoration of the Greek 
Emperors at Constantinople, after it had been under the 
sway of the Latins for nearly fifty-eight years. Pachymer, 
ofNicaea, who flourished during the reign of Michel VIII., 
records 53 "that Michael, after the taking of Constan- 
tinople, changed the type of the old coins, engraving in 
its stead a representation of the city." The obverse type 
represents the Emperor, presented or supported by the 
Archangel Michael, kneeling to Christ seated [see Types 
of Christ (6)], or the Emperor in prostration before 
Christ standing, or the two Emperors blessed by Christ. 
[See Types of Christ (7)]. On the coins of Andronicus II. 
the legend is ANAPNIKOC (sic) AeCFlOTIC HC., ac- 
cording to Sabatier (PL LX. No. 4, cf. No. 3), but Eckhel 
(op. cit.) gives a coin from Liebe, Ducange, and Banduri, 
with the legend ANAPNICOC (sic) N Xw. A- 

CriOT- HO A. POM. (8e<r7ron7S iroAews 'Pw/xatW), how far 

correctly I am unable to say. 

2. Obv. Same as No. 1 [not engraved]. 

Rev. The Virgin with nimbus seated facing ; on either 

side of her head JJp 0\?. Concave, JT. 
(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. LIX. No. 5.) 

62 XM is frequent on the coins of this Emperor; XMHA 
also occurs (Sab., PL LIX. No. 12). It is clear that M is for 
MIXAHA, but whether the X is meant to be part of the same 
word is not so certain : probably it may be so intended. 

53 "In Andr. Pal.;" Eckhel, " Doct. Num. Vet.," vol. viii. 

K268 ; De Saulcy, " Essai de Class, des Mon. Byz.," p. 428 ; 
batier, " Mon. Byz.," vol. ii. p. 241. 


8. Obv. +AA6ZIW AeCnOTH. Bust facing of 
Alexius I. Comnenus holding sceptre and globe 
criunger [not engraved]. 

Jfet;._+OIC6. ROHOGI. Virgin with nimbus stand- 
ing facing, holding her hands raised and carrying 
on her chest a medallion of Christ ; on either 
side the letters f^ OV. <&. 

(Sab., PL LIL No. 8.) 

The legends of obverse and reverse form one, 

'AAcib> Aeo-TroTfl, Mother of God, help the despot 


Eomanus IV. Diogenes standing on a cushion 
facing, holding a long cross and a globe cruciger. 

Eev. +nAPON COI HOAVAING. The Virgin 
with nimbus standing on a cushion, holding the 
infant Jesus with nimbus on cross on her left 
arm; on either side M 0. -3J. 

(British Museum; Sab., PI. L. No. 15.) 

The legends of obverse and reverse are again one 

HapOevc voi TroXvaivc os ^XTTIKC iravro. KaropBol, gloTWUS 

Virgin, he that trusteth in thee prospers in all things. It 
will be observed that the legend forms an hexameter 
verse. Mr. King notices 54 that the only other example 
of a current coin, as distinguished from medal, graced 
with poetry is the zecchin (or ducat) of Venice, which 
reads in a very abbreviated and puzzling form round the 
figure of the Saviour, Sit tibi Christe datus quern tu regis 
iste Ducatus. 

64 " Early Christ. Num.," p. 78. 


5. Obv. 6VC6BH MONOMAK ON. Constantino XII. 

Monomachus standing facing, wearing the palu- 
damentum, and holding a long cross and a sword 
in its scabbard. 

Rev. +A6CriOINA CWZOIC. The Virgin with 
nimbus standing on a cushion facing, raising 
both hands ; on either side MP (5V. &. 
(British Museum ; Sab., PL XLIX. No. 11.) 

The legends of obverse and reverse here again form one 
Aeo-TToiva <rwois evo-e/ft} Moi/o/x,a^ov, Lady, mayest thou pre- 
serve the pious Monomachus. The K for X in Monomachus 
is clear on this coin ; but the two letters are not always 
easy to distinguish. The word AeWoira, as the femi- 
nine title of AecrTroTTys, occurs on the rare gold coins of 
Michael III., Theodora, and Thecla (852856 ; Sab,, 
PI. XLIY. No. 8)+ O6OSORA SCSPVhA, or 
SGSPOVhA, Queen Theodora. 

6. obv. +eeoTpc bone' iw sesp. Bust of 

John I. Zimisces facing, holding in the left hand a 
long cross, and crowned by the Virgin with nimbus 
(half-length), above whom the letters M0; a 
hand descends from heaven over the Emperor. 

^.-+lhS. XPS. RX RSNANTlHro. Bust 
of Christ with nimbus on cross facing, holding 
in one hand his robe, and in the other the 
Gospels. N. 

(British Museum; Sab., PI. XLVII. No. 17.) 

Obverse legend COTOKC por/Oct 'Io)dvvy Sctm-or^, Mother of 
I, help the despot John. 

7. Obv. +06OTOC' bH0. NICHF. SSP. 

Half-length figure of Virgin with nimbus, on either 
side of whom M 0, and of Nicephorus II. 
Focas, holding between them a long cross. 

Eev. Same as No. 6 [not engraved]. N. 

(British Museum; Sab., PI. XLVII. No. 12.) 


Obverse legend COTOKC /Jo^0a Nt/cr/^opw SCO-TTOT^, Mother 
of God, help the despot Nicephorus. 

8. Obv.W. AeCHOTH mW31 (retrograde). St. 
George with nimbus and John II. Comnenus 
standing holding between them a long cross. 

Rev. Christ with nimbus on the cross seated facing, the 
right hand raised, and holding in the left the 
Gospels; on either side of his head 1C XC. 

Concave, JV. 

(British Museum ; cf. Sab., PI. LITE. Nos. 1517.) 

Obverse legend 'loxm^s Sco-Trorr/s, John the despot, 
[6 a] Twpytos, \_St.~] George. 

9. Obv. A AS. K- Alexius II. Comnenus holding a 
sceptre on horseback to the right; above the 
horse's head a star; beneath, N. 

Rev. V. N. Saint Eugenius with nimbus, holding 
a cross on horseback to the right; above, a 
star. M. 

(British Museum; cf. Sab., PI. LXVIII. No. 8.) 

Obverse legend 'AXe&'os Ko/myvos; reverse, 6 a-yios 'Evye- 
vios, St. Eugenius. 

10. Obv. Figure of an Emperor (John II. Comnenus, or 

John V. Palaeologus), with nimbus, standing 
facing, holding in right hand a sceptre (or long 
cross), and in the left the labarum (surmounted 
by a cross), on which X. 

Rev. YAO'6. The Virgin with nimbus seated, raising 
her right hand, and holding the infant Jesus ; 
in front the three Magi kneeling and making 
offerings. .53. 

(British Museum.) 

11. Obv. EMMANVHL (sic). Bust of Christ with nimbus 

cruciger facing. 


Rev. The Virgin seated, holding the infant Jesus with 
nimbus, above his head a star ; in front the 
three Magi bringing offerings ; in the exergue 
two birds (? doves) facing each other. M. 

(Coll. of Rev. S. S. Lewis.) 


modus to the right, laureate. 

Head of Corn- 

Rev. BACIA6VC ABTAPOC. Bust of Abgarus 
to the right with paludamentum, wearing on his 
head a cap ornamented with a diadem, on which 
+ or X. M. 

(British Museum.) 

13. Obv. IMP. C. MAXENTIVS P. F. AVG. Head 

of Maxentius to the right, laureate. 

Rev. CONSERV. VRB. SVAE. Hexastyle temple, 
within which a statue of Borne helmeted, seated 
facing, looking to left, holding globe and sceptre ; 
on the tympanum of the temple X ; in the 
exergue AQ. l~. (Aquileia 8). J3. 

(British Museum.) 

14. Obv. Same as No. 13 [not engraved]. 

Rev. Same legend and same type, but on the tympanum 
of the temple t^r. M. 

(Coll. of the Padre Garrucci.) 

F. W. M. 




WE now recross the Alps and return to Gaul, returning, 
too, for an instant to the beginning of the sixth century 
after Christ. Three Teutonic sovereigns were in this 
country the contemporaries of Theodoric the Ostrogoth. 
They reigned with undefined sway, and in territories 
whose boundaries were constantly changing ; yet we may 
for the present dispose them thus. North of the Loire 
are the Franks under Chlodvig; south of the Loire and 
west of the Rhone lies the kingdom of the Visigoths, who 
possess also nearly the whole of Spain, and whose king at 
this time is Alaric II. The Burgundians, under Gondo- 
bald, lie beyond the Rhone, as far east as extends the 
French-speaking portion of Switzerland. " The Bur- 
gundians, also (like the Visigoths) attached to the Arian 
heresy, lived upon the other side of the Rhone which 
flows by Lyons." (Greg, of Tours.) 

The degree of authority which the barbarian conquerors 
possessed within their own territories, the rate at which 


the older institutions of Roman life were absorbed into 
the growing life of the Middle Ages, are questions very 
difficult to determine. There can be no doubt that in 
many towns nominally included within one or other of 
the three kingdoms, little change of government was the 
immediate result of the German invasion, and that the 
interference of the conquerors in their constitution was 
confined to the imposition of taxes and to the introduction 
of their own legislation for the members of their own 
nationality. The greater towns of the south and of 
Aquitania, Lyons, Marseilles, Narbonne, Vienne, Aries, 
Toulouse, Bordeaux, retained, whether they were in Bur- 
gundy, Gothia, or France, the forms of their ancient 
municipal institutions. They never quite amalgamated 
with the institutions of feudalism, and remained all 
through the Middle Ages the nursery ground of what 
may be called Liberal politics the contest of the cities 
against the seigneurs. Beside these un-German elements 
there lay between the three kingdoms just described a 
neutral territory a mark, as our ancestors would have 
called it. 1 This district was Auvergne, the country of 
the Romans, as it is often described by writers of the time. 
It was conquered by Theodoric the Ostrasian in 539. 

Owing to their greater exposure to the influence of 
Roman manners, the two southern kingdoms enjoyed a 
larger share of civilisation and refinement than fell to 
e lot of the Franks in the north. They became ere long 
mpletely Latinised. The fact that the limits of the 
cient Burgundian kingdom are defined on the side of 
itzerland bv the French-speaking cantons, while the 

Just so our Mercia was for a long time the mark bet \veea 
ie Angles, the Saxons, and the Welsh. 

VOL. XVIll. N.S. 


German cantons are the remains of the Alemanian land, 
shows how far the Burgundians had adopted the Latin 
language and separated themselves from their German 
neighbours. In the time of Gregory of Tours, " Goth " 
is used almost synonymously with " Roman ; " and that 
this approach to Roman manners was not unaccompanied 
by a loss of German spirit, the rapid success of the Frank- 
ish arms may likewise witness. " Fear is habitual to the 
Goths," says Gregory, 2 and a term of extreme contempt, 
applied at this day only to a degraded people in certain 
districts of the south, is, according to r reasonable conjec- 
ture, derived from the words canis Gothicus? Thus the 
latest comers, the Franks of the north, like the lean kine, 
swallowed up the kingdoms of the Burgundians and Visi- 
goths. "It displeases me," said Chlodvig, " that these 
Arians possess the fairest portion of Gaul. Let us march, 
with the aid of God, and when we have conquered them, 
subdue their country to ourselves." This was in 507. 
The success of the Franks tended towards a further sepa- 
ration of the west from Roman influence. A relationship 
generally of a friendly character had been kept up between 
the two branches of the Gothic family, the Ostrogoths of 
Italy and the Yisigoths of Spain. These and the Bur- 
gundians were all of the Arian creed. But when the 
Catholic and barbarian Franks had reached the south, 
they became a wall of demarcation separating the Visi- 
goths from relationship with Italy, and hedging them 
more and more within the limits of their western penin- 

2 Greg. Tur., ii. 27. 

3 Cagot, according to Marca, Beam. He thinks that the term 
may have been applied to the Saracens as expellers of the 
Goths. This, however, is highly improbable. 




As the Visigoths lost ground in Gaul, they gained it in 
Spain, where they long carried on a successful war against 
the Suevi, who alone opposed their mastery of the whole 
peninsula. Thus, when by the battle of Poitiers (507) 
the Yisigoths lost all their possessions in Gaul, save a 
small district immediately to the north of the Pyrenees, 
they had ousted the Suevi from all their former posses- 
sions, save the territory of the modern Gallicia joined 
to the northern half of Portugal. Soon they entered into 
better relationship with the Franks. Chlotild, the 
daughter of Clovis, was given in marriage to Amalric, 
the Visigothic king. Albeit after this the two nations 
are frequently at war, the Frankish kingdom makes no 
further considerable accession towards its south-western 

But to the east the era of Frankish conquest was of 
longer duration. The Burgundian kingdom outlived 
Clovis, and was put an end to by his sons Theodoric and 
Clotaire in 532. The son of Theodoric, Theodebert, the 
second king of Ostrasia and the greatest of Clovis' 
successors, carried his arms into Italy (539) ; and though 
the expedition was undertaken chiefly for the sake of 
ty, yet he seems to have for a time occupied some of 
the cities of the north. 

Out of the four sons of Clovis Theodoric, Clotaire, 
lodomir, and Childebert the Merovingian line was con- 
tinued only in the descendants of Clotaire, the two youngest 
>f his brothers and Theodebald, the grandson of Theodoric, 
ying without children. Clotaire too had four sons. The 
urgundian kingdom now become Frankish was re- 
nstituted under one of them : the kingdoms of Paris, of 
issons, and of Metz remained, while Orleans was merged 
the kingdom of Paris. Charibert had Paris, Chilperic 


Soissons : Gontran and Sigebert had the two eastern 
kingdoms of Burgundy and Metz. This is the age which 
has gained a pre-eminence in dramatic crime among all 
the miserable annals of the Merovingian race. 4 " It 
would be difficult," says Hallam, endorsing the words of 
Gibbon, "to find anywhere more vice and less virtue than 
in the records of Merovingian history/' For the purposes 
of the present inquiry, it is important to mark that from 
the death of Theodebert the era of Merovingian conquest 
comes to an end. It had already ceased in the direction 
of Spain ; the door to Italy was closed when the short 
recovery of Italy to the sceptre of Justinian was ended by 
the conquests of the Lombards. The battle of Mons 
Lactarius, which destroyed the Oatrogothie kingdom, took 
place in 553. For a brief period Italy reverted to the 
Eastern Empire. But in 567 Narses, who had fallen into 
disgrace with the court of Byzantium, invited the aid of 
the Lombards, and the lalter, under Alboin (Elfwine 5 ), 
with their twenty thousand Saxon allies, set out from 
Pannonia. 6 They achieved the conquest of Italy in 572. 
Twenty years previously, a general of Theodebert had 

4 There is something of a grim comedy mingling with the 
tragic histories which lie scattered up and down the pages of 
Gregory ; as of beings with the intellects of children inflamed 
with the passions of men. Witness that story of how Theo- 
doric attempted the death of his brother Clotaire, by inviting 
him to a conference in a room wherein he had meant to conceal 
some assassins behind a curtain. But the curtain was too short, 
so that their legs were visible, and Clotaire got wind of the 
affair, and came accompanied by a great number of his own 
people. (G. Tur., iii. 7.) 

6 For the names of the earlier Lombard kings are, as Dr. 
Latham shows, almost pure Saxon names. Childebert II. was 
the last Merovingian who descended from the Alps. (Gibbon, 
v. 847.) 

6 Paulus Diaconus, ii. 5, 27. 


been able to overrun the greater part of Italy. 7 From 
this time we hear little more of Frankish invasions of 
that country. 

The Franks were now given up to the most bitter intes- 
tine struggles; but in spite of these, much was done 
towards the consolidation of the various kingdoms and 
towards the revival of internal administration. The down- 
trodden natives variously styled Romans and Goths in the 
literature of the time, but no longer Gauls raised their 
heads, and began to take a more and more prominent 
place in the administration. The part which they played 
may be compared with that of the lawyer- ministers under 
our Tudor sovereigns, or of the meanly-born civilians who 
absorbed the administrative power in France under the 
later Bourbons, 8 a part hateful to the military and terri- 
torial nobility, favourable to the kingly power. In 
reviving the traditions of Roman rule, ike^e men revived 
as much as possible of the Roman fiscality, a burden which 
in earlier days had pressed so heavily upon the people, 
that perhaps all the terrors of Burgundian, Visigothic, 
and Fraukish invasion scarcely outweighed the advantages 
of its abolition. 9 A minister of this sort, as early as the 
reign of Theodebert, was Parthenius, upon whose crimes 
and the hatred which he incurred among the Franks, 
Gregory descants (iii. 36) ; and from this account we 
gather that the most odious of his actions was the attempt 
to revive a system of taxation. Chilperic prepared a 

7 Paul. Diac., ii. 2. 

8 "I never could have believed what I saw when I was 
comptroller," said Law, the Scottish financier, to d'Argenson. 

t''Do you know that this kingdom of France is governed by 
thirty intendants ? " 
9 The burden of taxation amounted at one time to the 
ncredible proportion of one-third of the produce of the land. 


survey or census of the land and property in his do- 
minions, and levied a tax of one amphora of wine for 
every half-acre of land. 10 

From this time begins a new departure in the Mero- 
vingian coinage. Owing to a circumstance which may be 
almost called accidental, and which will presently be 
detailed at greater length, a type is introduced which 
becomes the characteristic type of the Merovingian money 
until the end of the series. From this time dates not 
only a representative and tolerably continuous royal issue, 
but a large series of municipal coins bearing no name of a 
king, only that of the town at which, or the province in 
which, the piece was struck, with the name of the 
moneyer who struck it. Shortly after begins the first 
true series of Visigothic coins ; and this is followed upon 
the other side of France by the coinage of the Lombards. 
Thus the separation of the different European countries 
is complete. The sixth century introduces us to an 
anonymous gold coinage, practically the same for all 
Western Europe ; for it is imitated slavishly from the 
current imperial types. Two countries, Italy and Africa, 
separate themselves from the "European concert" by the 
issue of distinct series in silver and copper. These run 
their course without producing much influence on neigh- 
bouring countries. But before the end of the same cen- 
tury, we see the establishment of three distinct gold 
currencies, characterizing the three chief western nations, 
the Franks, the Visigoths, and the Lombards. These 
only disappear after the rise of the silver currency under 
the Karlings ; that is, they continue to the end 01 

10 Amphoram vim per aripennem, id est semi-jugerem conti- 
nentem 120 pedes (Greg. Tur., v. 29). Clotaire had made an 
attempt to levy taxes upon church property (Greg. Tur., iv. 2). 


the period which we have chosen for our numismatic 

We now proceed to examine more in detail the numis- 
matic changes to which the above historical sketch has 
been an introduction. 

Before the Ostrogoths turned aside to the issue of a 
silver currency, they introduced some slight modifications 
of the existing imitative gold coinage. Theodoric placed 
his monogram upon coins bearing the name and effigy 
of Anastasius. Some changes, too, were made in the 
stereotyped legends, with the object, so we guessed, of 
showing to the initiated the place in which, or the king 
by whom, the coin was struck. Among these obscure 
mint-marks we signalized tentatively the indications of 
Rome, Bologna, Ravenna, Naples, Pavia, Verona. Both 
these methods of change find their counterparts in Gaul. 
Gondobald, the King of Burgundy, whose kingdom must 
have had considerable intercourse with Italy, though the 
relations of the two sovereigns could hardly have been 
very friendly, 11 imitated Theodoric in placing his mono- 
gram upon the solidi which he minted ; and in this he 
was followed by his successors to the end of that short- 
lived dynasty. The coins of Gondobald, Sigismimd, and 
Gondemar were given upon the first plate. We may 
notice that Gondobald alone among the Gaulish kings of 
the time attempted the issue of silver coins, the idea of 
which he no doubt also derived from Italy. This currency 

I was not continued by his successors. 
That the other method of distinction the alteration of 
the ordinary legend of the imperial coins was also 
attempted in Gaul, seems highly probable. In the laws 
11 Gondobald was the nephew and heir of Ricimer, and con- 
sidered himself to have some claim to the throne of Italy. 


of Gondobald we find mention made of certain coins 
which, being of base gold, were not to be received in his 
dominions. The solid! thus excepted from currency are 
those of Valence, of Geneva, the coins of the Goths (Visi- 
goths), " which from the time of Alaric (II.) have been 
debased," and a series which it is difficult to identify, the 
Ardaricanos. 12 The Visigoths are here mentioned as 
already possessing a distinctive (though doubtless anony- 
mous) series. No coin has been discovered that can be 
assigned to Alaric II., but the piece given in the plate 
may reasonably be attributed to his successor Amalaric 
(511 531), likewise a contemporary of Gondobald. This 
coin is a tremissis, bearing on the obverse the head of 
Justin L, and on the reverse showing the Victory in 
profile, the characteristic type, as has already been said, of 
the Gaulish coins. In front of the Victory is the mono- 
gram of Amalaric. (PL III., No. 1.) 

It is of still greater interest to find that the cities had 
even now their independent issues of coins. The use of 
these civic mints is explained upon the hypothesis made 
in the first part of this series of papers, that the money to 
be paid in taxes or rent was brought in specie to the local 
moneyer, who minted it up to the required amount. The 
various towns were assessed for a certain tax, which the 
municipality combined to extract from the citizens and 

12 Leg. Burg, addit. secund., art. vi. Lindenbrog. Codex., 
leg. ant. ed., 1618, p. 807. I cannot accept M. Ch. Lenor- 
mant's reading of Arvaricanos (Armorican) as it is to the last 
degree improbable that the ArmorL-ans at this date issued coins. 
The coin on which he reads the monogram of Armorica is, with 
mb&t reasonable conjecture, a piece of Amalaric, the Visigoth. 
The reading Velentiniani is uncertain, but I am more disposed 
to believe the coins spoken of to have been those of the toini of 
Valence than imitations of the money of Valentian III. (" K. 
Num.," 1851.) ' 


then issued with their own distinctive stamp. Thus began 
the civic coins which mark the whole era of Merovingian 
supremacy. A considerable number of coins bearing the 
head of Anastasius I., and struck in Gaul, show letters in 
the field from which we may identify their mints. They 
correspond exactly to the coins of the same period issued 
in Italy, only that instead of the name being found in the 
legend it appears in the field. These letters are 

S for Soissons. 

P for Paris. 
A B for Bourges (Avaricum Bituricum). 

D for Duisburg (Dispargum). 

M for Metz. 
B V ) 
COL V I ^ 01 ^^8 ne (Colonia Ubiorum). 

P for Poitiers. 

T L for Toul (Tullum Leucorum). 
L V (in monogram) for Lyons. 

N for Narbonne. 13 

These attributions are fairly certain. Less safe are the 
mint marks which the ingenuity of M. Ch. Lenormant dis- 
covers, upon the same principle which formed the method of 
indicating the issue among the Italian moneyers, by making 
alterations in the legend itself. Among these M. Lenor- 
mant identifies a considerable series in which the legend 
ANASTASIVS PF AVGGG is altered to the form 
ANASTASIVS PF AVCCC, the initial and final C's 
being brought close to the body of the armed figure of the 
obverse type. These coins he attributes to Clovis him- 
self. It is not necessary to follow M. Lenormant into his 
other attributions, which are less probable than was the 

13 Iseure, Orleans, Amiens, Tours, Toulouse, have been like- 
wise discovered by M. Lenormant in the legends. They are not 
indicated with as much clearness as even the mints in Italy are 



case with the Italian series, while some are undoubtedly 

The first Merovingian king whose coins can be clearly 
identified is Theodebert the Ostrasian. We have seen 
that he made an expedition into Italy, and left one of 
his generals in command there. From the Italian cam- 
paign he returned with a great booty, 14 and it is very 
likely that at this time he began striking the coins which 
bear his own name a thing hitherto unknown among 
the barbarian kings instead of the name of the Roman 
emperor. (See PI. III., Nos. 25.) 

We have already quoted the passage in which Proco- 
pius complains of the insult thus put upon the majesty of 
the emperor. The Merovingian seems to show a greater 
independence than the Vandal or Ostrogoth, in that his 
name appears upon the gold solidi and trientes, whereas 
they only issued distinct series of silver and copper coins. 
But the act of Theodebert must be considered exceptional ; 
he established no regular system of coinage, and his 
example was for a long time scarcely followed by his suc- 
sessors of the same race. The types of Theodebert's coins 
are the same as those of his contemporary Justinian, with 
the exception of some rare solidi struck at Cologne, which 
imitate probably the coins of Valentinian III. 15 (PI. III. 
No. 4.) The two obverse types of the solidi are a 
helmeted bust, facing, holding an orb, and a similar bust 
turned slightly to the right, holding a spear over right 
shoulder ; and the usual reverse type is the Victory, as 
seen on the coins of Anastasius or Justinian. The excep- 

14 Procopius, "De Bell. Goth.," ii. 25, and Greg. Tur., 
iii. 82. 

15 The type, however, is frequent between the time of Valen- 
tinian III. and Justinian. 


tional coin represents the king trampling upon a pros- 
trate foe. The trientes or tremisses show a diademed bust 
in profile on the obverse, and the Victory upon the 

The place of mintage is shown by letters in the field. 
One of these places is the Italian town Bologna, shown by 
the letters BO. Of the French towns we have 

AN or ANTOC in monogram for Andernach. 
CV or COL V for Cologne (Colonia Ubiorum). 

CLAV in monogram for Laon (Laudunum Clavatum). 
LV in monogram for Lyons. 

M for Metz. 

RE in monogram for Rheirns. 

T for Toul. 

RI for Reinagen, or Riom, in Auvergne. 

Of the same type as Theodebert's tremisses, though of 
much inferior execution, we have a coin bearing the 
names of Hildebertus and Chramnus, and probably struck 
by Theodebert's uncle, Childebert I., and his cousin 
Chramnus, the son of Chlodomir, who revolted against his 
father and allied himself with his uncle Childebert. 16 
This was in 555, that is, after the death both of Theode- 
bert and of his son Theodebald. Childebert died in 558, 
so that the date of this coin is fixed within three years. 

Next we have one or two coins of Sigebert I. and of 
Gontran of the same type. But the regular series of 
Merovingian money can scarcely yet be said to have 

For its real beginning we must pass on to the year 585. 
the four sons who divided the heritage of Clotaire, 

aribert had died without issue and his kingdom had 

16 Greg. Tur., iv. 16. 


been portioned among his brothers ; Sigebert had been 
slain in 574 by one of the assassins of Fredegonde, leaving 
a son, who at this date had not yet attained to manhood ; 
and Chilperic, the husband of Fredegonde, had died the 
same death, leaving only an infant to rule in Neustria. 17 
It seemed likely that the remaining brother, Gontran 
St. Gontran would extend his rule over the whole 
Frankish territory. This thought was far from pleasing 
to some of the great towns and the great nobles of the 
south many of the latter were of Roman descent which 
had become more and more alienated from the barbarians 
of the north and west. A pretender was accordingly 
found to dispute the throne of Gontran, one Gundovald, 
called Ballomer, who claimed to be a son of Clotaire. 
The illegitimacy of his birth would have been no bar to 
succession, but he had never been acknowledged by his 
putative father. Nevertheless, Gundovald was invited 
over to Gaul he was then living in Constantinople by 
some of the nobles of Gontran's kingdom, by the Dukes 
Gontran-Boson, Mummolus, and Waddo, and by the 
Bishops Sagittarius and Theodosius. He was supplied 
with considerable sums of money by the Emperor Mauri- 
tius Tiberius, and, setting sail in 583, he arrived at 
Marseilles. It was not, however, till 585 that his enter- 
prise began to show hopes of success. Then some of the 
principal cities of Poitou opened their gates to him, and 
Gontran, who was then on cold or hostile terms with his 
nephews, both of Ostrasia and Neustria, could at first 
make no head against the pretender. Gontran, however, 
came to terms with Childebert, who withdrew all help 

17 Childebert II., son of Sigebert L, was born in 570 ; 
Clotaire II., son of Chilperic, was born in 584. 


from Gundovald ; and the latter, whose case now became 
hopeless, was deserted by his allies with as much alacrity 
as they had shown in espousing his cause. He retreated 
towards the Pyrenees, and was at last besieged in the 
city of Comminges, 18 taken, and put to death. 

This insignificant rebellion was momentous in its effects 
upon the coinage of Gaul. Among the coins with which 
Mauritius had supplied the pretender were a number 
bearing the name of the Eastern Emperor, but having 
mint marks as if struck at Marseilles. Others of the 
same type and an inferior fabric seem to have been 
actually coined in Marseilles during its occupation by 

Mauritius was actuated probably by other motives than 
the motives of generosity and friendship in helping the 
half- Greek Gundovald to a crown. The latter was always 
accused of acknowledging the supremacy of the Eastern 
Emperor and of intending to hold the provinces which he 
conquered in a subjection more or less real to the latter. 
This want of patriotism would not be judged severely by 
the citizens of the south, who had few sympathies attach- 
ing them to the Frankish rule. The greater number of 
Gundovald' s supporters were probably what would then 
have been called Romans. 

Thus in the first issue of his coins Gundovald declared 
his alliance with the Greek Emperor by adopting, not the 
conventional Merovingian type of the Victory (as on No. 
5 in this plate and Nos. 12, 13 in PI. I.), but a new type 
which had a few years before replaced this Victory upon 

18 Or rather in a city which was at this siege utterly de- 
stroyed, and on the site of which Comminges was afterwards 
built. The account of the incursion of Gundovald is to be 
found in Gregory, 1. viii. and Fredegarius, ii. 


the coins struck at Constantinople. The type of the 
cross potent in three limbs raised upon three or four 
steps, or at other times resting upon a ball, had been first 
introduced by Tiberius, the predecessor of Maurice. As 
regards the obverse, the rule for the Byzantine gold coins 
of this period is that the solidi should represent the 
Emperor's bust facing, wearing either a richly jewelled 
crown or else a helmet. On the coins of Maurice we 
have only the latter. The tremissis presents the bare 
head in profile. 

The description then of the coins struck by the Emperor 
for the use of Gundovald, and of that second series (differ- 
ing only in fabric), struck probably by Gundovald him- 
self at Marseilles, is 


Obv. DN JttAVRIC TIbPPAVC. Draped bust in helmet, 
facing towards left, holding spear over right 

Her. VICTORIA AVCCV. Cross on globe ; on either 
side ^? A ^ ; in exergue, CONOB. 

N. -85 circ. Wt. 3'9 grammes circ. " Revue 
Num.," 1854, PI. XIII. No. 1. 

(PI. III. 6.) 

This is the general type of the solidus. The piece thus 
described was probably minted in Constantinople. When 
imitated in the West, the legend undergoes some modifica- 
tions: the letters TIB are generally omitted, and the 
reverse legend is divided from the type by a wreath ; and 
the type itself shows an inferiority of execution which 
forbids us to confound the pieces actually struck by Gun- 
dovald with those wherewith he was furnished by 



The usual module of the pieces struck in Gaul is not, 
however, the solidus, but the tremissis of the type as 
follows : 

Obv. DN SttAVRIC IVSPPA. Draped and diademed 

bust to right. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVSTOR. Cross on globe, on either 
side y ^ ; in exergue, CONOB. 

N. '5 circ. Wt. 1'3 grammes circ. " Revue 
Num.," 1854, PI. XIII. 

(Cf. PI. III. 7.) 

In some coins of this type the cross is separated by one 
or more steps from the globe. It will be observed, com- 
paring these pieces with those of Theodebert or Childe- 
bert and Chramnus, that a further distinction is made 
between these solidi and tremisses and the earlier Mero- 
vingian coins by the difference in weight. The older 
solidi weighed at the rate of 72 to the pound ; that 
is, 84 grains of Paris (69 grains English), or about 
4'47 grammes. The later solidi weighed at the rate of 
84 to the pound, therefore 72 grains Paris (57 grains 
English), or about 3' 9 grammes. The alteration in the 
weight of the solidus and tremissis is another feature in 
the marked change which the Merovingian money at this 
ime underwent. 

We have other trientes of the Marseilles type which 
bear the letters All in place of MA, and were doubtless 
struck at Aries. 

And, lastly, we must not omit the mention of another 
very rare coin belonging to this period, introducing a 
new and important type into the Merovingian series. 

Obv. DN mAVRLXJ CIVS PPAV. Diademed bust to 


tian monogram (sometimes called " Chrisme ") 
upon a globe ; on either side, A u>. 

N. -6 circ. "Revue Num.," 1854, PI. XIII., 
No. 11. 

(PL III. No. 8.) 

When the reverse type was thoroughly domesticated in 
France, the obverse type of the solidi disappears, and the 
coins, whether solidi or treraisses, all take the profile bust 
with diadem never the helmeted bust facing. (Of. PI. 
III. 7, which is an early imitative coin of the Marseilles 
type, struck at Viviers [Vivarium].) 

Long after the death of Gundovald, the Marseilles type 
was continued at that city, and probably in towns near 
the Mediterranean, whence (and this fact is a tribute to 
the importance which still remained with the cities in the 
south) it spread rapidly over the whole of France ; or at 
any rate over all that part of it where the gold coinage 
was in use. The marked change thus brought about in 
the type of the French gold coins gives a means of limit- 
ing in one direction or the other the date of any 
Merovingian tremisses which we may chance to meet 
with. Whatever coins were struck by the kings who pre- 
ceded the invasion of Gundovald, are of the Victory-in- 
profile type. A few years after the invasion the same 
type has almost disappeared. If, for instance, we find, 
as we do, the names of Clotaire and Sigebert upon coins 
bearing the cross upon the reverse, we have no difficulty 
in deciding that the pieces must not be referred to 
the first kings among the Merovingians who bore these 

By the same means we have a curious indication of the 
way in which the coinage of the Visigoths diverged from 


iat of the Franks. We have noticed (p. 224) one piece 
>f Amalaric, only distinguishable from the contemporary 

[erovingian money by the obscure monogram of the king. 
Plate I., No. 14, a specimen was given of an abso- 

itely anonymous Gothic coin (identified by its style only) 
the kind which probably formed the bulk of the 
currency down till 4 nearly the end of the sixth century. 
During this interval the style gradually changed, until 
the coins more resemble that given in PL III. No. 12, 
for these are identical in style with the earliest autony- 
moif-s coins. Leovigild (573 586) was the first to intro- 
duce this change. He struck coins bearing his own 
name, at first in conjunction with that of the Emperor, but 
afterwards alone ; and the Yisigothic coinage continued 
to show the names of the kings until the end of the series. 
Now Leovigild began with the type of the Victory in 
profile, as shown upon the coins published by M. Heiss 
in his " Monnaies des Rois Wisigoths," PL I. 
These coins are 


1. Obv. DN IYSTIIIAVAC. Diademed bust to right; on 
breast, a cross. 

Rev. G LIVVIGILDI REGIS. Victory to right, holding 

Obv. LIVVIGILDVS R. Same type. 

Rev. 1NCL1TVS RCGN (or EEX). Victory holding wreath 
and palm ; in exergue, ONO. 

(Of. PL III. 13.) 

The only known coins of Leovigild's son, San Hermene- 
jild, are of the same kind (V. PL I, No. 15). San 
[ermenegild revolted against his father in 580, and was 




put to death in 585. 19 Between 580, then, and Leovi- 
gild's death in 586, the second of this king's types was 
introduced. Of such is the coin given upon the plate 
(III., No. 14). We defer for the present the description 
of the rest of the Yisigothic series. 

We return again to France. The generosity of Maurice 
to Ghindovald had not, we saw, the desired effect of attach- 
ing permanently any part of Southern France to the 
Empire ; it had not even the accidental effect of preserv- 
ing a similarity between the coinages of the two countries, 
whereby some sort of nominal subjection might be held 
to be implied. The Merovingian money enters from this 
time forward upon a completely independent career. The 
new types introduced are very numerous, though the bust 
on the obverse and the cross upon the reverse mark the 
vast majority of the coins. Some of the less frequent 
types are characteristic of the neighbourhood in which 
they are struck. 

As regards their legends, the Merovingian coins divide 
themselves into two classes, those which bear the name of 
the king, and those which have only the name of some 
town (civitas, castrd) or village \vicus). 20 On account of 
their immense number, it is impossible to give anything 
like a complete list of the Merovingian coins, and it is the 
less necessary for me to do so within this narrow space as 
very elaborate lists and tables are to be found in the pages 
of the " Revue Numismatique " (vol. v. O.S., 1840, p. 216, 
and the index, vol. i. xx.) and in M. Conbrouse's valu- 
able " Catalogue des Monnaies Nationales de France." 

19 He was deprived of all his government in the year 580, and 
exiled to Valencia. His few coins must have been struck in the 
year of his revolt. 

:n Or unwalled town. 


It will be best, therefore, to give only the types of the 
regal coins in the most probable order of their succession, 
as these alone allow us to form an estimate of their date. 
The attribution of almost every coin given has been at 
one time or another disputed as between the various 
members of the Merovingian family who bore the name 
which it bears. The following list, therefore, cannot be 
considered as final, but it is founded upon the highest 
probability attainable. 


Clovis, d. 611. TheodoricII.,596 613. Burgundy. 

Theodoric, 511 534. Metz. Dagobert I., 622 638. Sole king. 

Clotaire L, 611 561. Soissons, aft. Charibert II., 630 631. Aquitaine. 

sole king. Childeric I., 631. Aquitaine. 

Childebert L, 511 553. Paris. Sigebert II., 632 656. Ostrasia. 

Clodomir, 511524. Orleans. Clovis II., 638656. Neustria. 

Theodebert L, 534548. Metz. Clotaire III., 656670. Burgundy, 
Theodebald L, 548555. Metz. aft. sole king. 

Charibert, 561567. Paris and Childeric II., 660673. Ostrasia. 

Aquitaine. Theodoric III., 670691. Bur- 
Sigebert I., 561675. Ostrasia. gundy, aft. sole king. 

Chilperic, 561584. Soissons or Dagobert II., 674679. Ostrasia. 

Neustria. Clovis III., 691695. France. 

Gontran, 561593. Burgundy. Childebert III., 695711. 

Childebert II., 575596. Ostrasia. Dagobert III., 71 1716. 

Clotaire II., 584628. Neustria, Childeric III., 716720, deposed 

aft. sole king. and restored. 

Gundovald Ballomer (Pretender), Clotaire IV., 717 718. 

585586. Theodoric IV., 720737. 

Theodebert II., 596613. Ostrasia. Childeric III., 742752. 


1. Obv. DN TH6YDEB EETVSPPAVG. Bust in armour 
and helmet, facing, holding orb with cross. 

Rev.VICTOm A VCCCA. Victory standing, facing, 
holding long cross and orb with cross ; in field, 
star ; in exergue, CON OB. 

N. '75. Wt. 4-4 grammes circ. 
(Of. Type of Justinian, Sabatier, vol. i. PI. XII. 3.) 

21 The coins of this king preceded, as has been shown, those 
of his uncle, Childebert I. His coins are therefore put first in 
the Merovingian series. 



Rev. Legend repeated and exerg. legend 

(Cf. PI. III. 2.) 

2. Obv. DN TH60DG BGRTVS VICTOR. Bust in armour 
and helmet, facing towards left, holding spear over 
right shoulder. 

Rev. Similar ; in field mm. (See p. 227) 
N. Similar size and weight. 

(Cf. PI. in. s.) 

(Cf. Sabatier, vol. i. PL XII. No. 2.) 
8. Obv. Similar to No. 2. 

A A VCCCI. Figure holding palm- 
branch and Victory, and trampling upon another 


prostrate figure ; on either side % . 

L V 
N. -8. Wt. as last. 

(PI. III. 4.) 

(Cf. Cohen, vol. vi., PI. XIX., Avitus ; more probably, how- 
ever, from similar coins of Valentinian III.) 


4. Obv. DN THeODGBeRTVSd. Draped and diademed 
> bust to right. 

Rev. VICTORIA ACCCAN. Victory to right, holding 
wreath ; behind, star ; in field, mm; in exergue, 

N. '55 circ. Wt. 1'4 gramme, over. 
(Cf. PI. III. 6 [Rheims].) 

A silver coin which has on obverse the legend DN 
TGOD, a diademed bust facing, and on the reverse the 


legend NIT A within wreath, has been attributed to 


Theodebert. It may, however, with rather more proba- 
bility, be assigned to Theodahat the Ostrogoth. 


1. Ok'. HILDE BERTTVS. Draped and diademed bust to 
right ; above head, cross. 

Rev. CHRA MNVS. Victory to right, holding wreath; 
above head, cross ; in exergue, CONOP. 

N. -6. Wt. 1-47 gramme circ. "Revue Numis.," 
1842, p. 840 ; 1849, p. 87, PI. I. No. 12. 


1. Obv. SIGEBER TVS REX. Draped and diaiemed bust 
to right. . I 

Rev. MANOBIO. Victory to right holding a globe with 
cross ; in exergue TMO, possibly Trev. moneta, but 
more probably blundered from CONOB. 

Jf. *6. Wt. 1*47 gramme circ. " Revue Numis.," 
1844, p. 196. 

Another of similar type with rev. legend TVL LO (Toul), in 
" R. N.," 1868, PI. XVI. 



1. Ofcv. GVNTHACH RAMR. Draped and diademed bust to 

Rev. SENONI CIVITA (Sens). Victory in chariot (?) to 
right, holding cross. 

N. *55. Wt. not given. 

Le Blanc, p. 44, and Conbrouse, who says that the coin 
in the Sivard collection. The coin in the engravings 


looks like a forgery, and as the weight is not given it is 
impossible to say, even if the coin be a true one, whether 
it could be of St. Gontran. 



1. Obv. CHILDEBERTVS BEX. Diademed bust in armour 

and with shield to right. 

Rev. ARELATO CIVIT (Aries). Christian monogram, 
on either side of which A R. 

N. '55 circ. Wt. 1*8 gramme circ. 

2. Obv. CHELDEBERT. Diademed head right. 
Rev. AR, within which the letters CI. 

N. Le Blanc, p. 80. 

3. Obv. CHILDEBERTVS. Draped and diademed bust facing. 
Rev. MARETOMOS FECIT. In centre, RE. 


Marseilles Type. 

4. Ofo.CHILDEBERTVS R. Diademed bust to right. 
Rev. BANIS FIT. Cross raised upon ball. 


The following coins were probably also struck by 
Childebert II. : 

Marseilles Type. 

Obv. HILDEBERTVS. Cross raised upon one step over 

Rev. PETRAFICIT. Diademed bust to right. 
Similar, but rev. PETFII. 




Marseilles Type. 

1. Obv. CLO TARIV8. Diademed bust to right. 

Rev. [CHLOTJARI VICTORIA. Cross haussee, on either 
side of which M A. 

JT. Wt. 8-9 grammes circ. Conbrouse. 

Varieties, rev. VICTVRIA MIA ... and X XI beside ball. 
JT. Wt. 3*7 grammes, over. B.M. 
(PL III. 9.) 


Same Type. 

2. Obv. CLO THARIVS RE. Diademed bust to right. 

/kv. VICTORIA GOTHICA. Cross haussee between 
M A 

JT. '7. Wt. 1-2 gramme, over. B.M. 
(PL III. 10.) 

Varieties of legend : 

Obv. and Rev. CHLOTARIVS REX. 


Average weight, 1-3 gramme. 


Wt. 1 gramme. " R. N.," 1866, p. 839. 

Many of these coins have been assigned to Clotaire I. 
Their being of the Marseilles type quite precludes this 



1. Obv. THGODO BERTORO. Diademed bust to right. 

Rev. MANILEOBO MONET. In field A R (Aries) ; in 
exergue, CIVIS. 

JT. -5. Wt. 1'3 gramme, over. 


1. Obv. TEVDERIC. Diademed head right. 

Rev. +ARAS TES. Cross forming Christian mono- 
gram (f). 

jr. -5. 


It is almost impossible to separate the coins of these 
two monarchs, supposing that Dagobert II. struck coins 
with his name upon them. In this case he seems to have 
imitated the types of his predecessor, of which we have 
several coins of a very degraded style, and yet with the 
name of Eligius. As Eloi was celebrated for the beauty 
of the coins made by him, these specimens can hardly be 
classed among the number. 


1. Obv. OBER TVSREI. Diademed bust right ; cross above 


Rev. GLGGrlVS. Marseilles type. 
JT. Wt. 8' 85 grammes, over. 

22 An extraordinary piece in the possession of MM. Rollin 
and Feuardent reads on the obv. REDANSO IN LEMMOVIO 
AGVSTO. Draped bust to right. Rev. + DOMINVS DA- 
GOBERTVS REX FRANCORVM. Cross cantonncd with 

VIT FIT ^ weighs as much as 5 grammes, and therefore 
must be looked upon as a sort of medallion. 


2. Obv. CEALIT. Bust right. 

Rev. DAGOBERTVS REX. Cross ancree, beside which 
EL Id. 

J&. Conbrouse. 


8. Ofo. DAGOBERTVZ. Draped and diademed bust to right. 
Rev. ELEGIVS. Marseilles type. 

Var. by letters beside cross : V C, A Q, Q A, VI VA. 

Reverse legends of this type : 



DAGOBERTVS. (Mayence). 


GEMELLVS (obv. leg.). VICTVRIA. 


4. Obv. Legend uncertain. Draped and diademed bust to 


Rev. HILDOALDVS. Square cross cantonned with A R. 

Another in JR. has obv. DAGOBERTVS. 

5. Obv. PARISI CIV. Draped and diademed bust to right. 

Rev. DAGOBERTVS. Cross ancree below; on either 
side, ELI GI. 

N. Le Blanc, p. 50. 

6. Obv. DAGOBERTVS REX. Diademed head to right. 
Ev. EANTOVIANOI FIT. Chalice surmounted by cross. 

tf. Le Blanc, p. 50. 

It will be observed that some new forms of the cross 
are introduced in this reign, as well as another religious 
device, the chalice. This was due, no doubt, to the piety 
of St. Eligius (Eloi), the money er of Dagobert. The 
pieces which bear the name of Eligius without that of any 



king, may have been struck in the reigns of Clotaire II., 
Dagobert L, or Clovis II. 


1. Ofo. HERIBERTVS REX. Draped and diademed bust 

to right. 
Rev. -MASSILIA. Marseilles type. 


2. Obv. CHARIBERTVS REX. Diademed head to right. 
Rev. BANNACIAEO FIIT (and var.) Chalice. 

N. -5. Wt. 1-25 gramme. 
(PL III. 11.) 

Var. legends : MAXIMINVS M (Obv.), LEVGOS MONE- 

(See Childeric II.) 


1. Obv. SlGEBERT VS REX. Draped and diademed bust 

to right. In front R. 
^.VICTVRIA A. Marseilles type. 


Type of cross slightly varied. 
Var. of legend, MASSILIA. 

2. Obv. SIGIB . . . Similar to No. 1. 
Rev. Chalice; in exergue, BAN. 




1. Qbv. CHOLOVICVS. Draped and diademed bust right. 
Rev. ELIGIVS MO. Marseilles type. 


Var. cross on two steps, on either side, y -5. 
N. Wt. 1 gramme, over. 

2. Obv. CHLODOVEVS E. Draped and diademed bust to 

Rev. [PAKI] SIVS IN CIVIT. Cross ancree ; on either 
side EL IGI. 

3. Obv. +CHLOTHOVICHVS E. Draped bust in helmet ? to 


Rev. MONET A PALATI. Cross chrismee on three steps ( d* ) 


4. Obv. CHLODOVIVS. Draped and diademed bust to right. 

Rev. AVEILIANI^HTVS. Even-limbed cross, on either 
side above, EE E. 



No coins can with certainty be assigned to this king, 
as distinguished from the coins of his predecessors with 
that name. There can be no doubt that the practice of 
striking regal coins was falling more and more into 
disuse, and that the issue of independent money was more 
and more frequent. The one coin with the name of 
Clotaire III. and Childeric II. is given below. 


1. Obv. CHILDEE IEVS EE. Draped and diademed bust to 


right ; in front, j . 

Rev. [MASI]LI CIVITA. Marseilles type ; M A beside 

cross potent on ball. 

& Of coarse fabric, and therefore probably of late 
date. See " Eev. Num.," 1845, p. 345. 

Others read HILAEEICVS EEX. 


There are a number of pieces given by Conbrouse of the 
same type. In spite of the fact that Childeric I. only 
reigned for one year, whereas Childeric II. reigned for 
thirteen years, there are many reasons for doubting 
whether many were not struck by the first of the two 
Childerics. The sole type, it is to be observed, is the 
Marseilles type, which was prevalent in the time of Chil- 
deric L, especially in Aquitaine, where he reigned ; 
whereas in the time of Childeric II. it had been partly 
superseded. Again, solidi became more and more scarce 
toward the end of the Merovingian dynasty, whereas 
many of the coins given by Conbrouse are solidi. Those 
with HILAERJCVS may fairly be considered late. 


Obv. CHILDERICVS REX. Diademed head to right. 
.to, CHLOTARIVS REX. Marseilles type, M A. 




The following coin has been assigned to the second 
Dagobert : 

1. Obv. DAGOBERTO RX. Bust in helmet to right. 
Rev. AMOLENO MOET. A cross. 




Obv. TEVDORICI. Cross (Marseilles type) within a 

Rev. TRE in monogram (Treves ?). 


We now get some notion of the order of the Mero- 
vingian types. Till the revolt of Gundovald, the Victory 
is the only one employed upon the reverse of coins. 
During the reigns of Childebert II. and Clotaire II. is 
introduced what has heen described as the Marseilles type, 
the cross (frequently potent) raised upon a ball or upon 
steps, and accompanied at first by the letters M A, for 
Marseilles ; afterwards frequently by other letters, or by 
none. This type completely supersedes the earlier one, 
and continues till almost the end of the Merovingian 
series. It is of course specially distinctive of the larger 
towns, which adhered at first to the cause of Gundovaid. 
The Christian monogram appears in its full development 
first on the coin of Maurice, struck at Vienne, afterwards 
on that of Childebert II. struck at Aries ; it appears in 
another form on the coins of Theodoric II., and continues 
to the end of the Merovingian series. Dagobert I. intro- 
duces upon his own coins two new types, the even-limbed 
cross and the chalice, both of which are very common 
upon the Merovingian trientes. Other types were intro- 
duced by his and Clotaire's moneyer, Eligius; and we 
must attribute to this period the great extension and 
variety of the independent local issues. These gradually 
supersede the regal coins and, still keeping their varieties 
of type, but degenerating in execution and weight, they 
close the gold issue of the Franks. Towards the latter 
years of the Merovingian dynasty, and under the influ- 
ence of the German Mayors of the Palace, a silver coinage 
revives in the north of France and in the end supersedes 
ic gold issue. The rise of this silver coinage belongs to 
le fourth section into which this history of the coinage 
Western Europe has been divided. 



The place of importance in the history of the European 
coinages at this epoch belongs to the Merovingian money, 
as from France alone came the influences which continued 
the coinages of the Middle Ages. The Visigoths and the 
Lombards left no permanent trace of their occupation. In 
their general character both these series adhere to the pre- 
valent characteristics of a coinage at this time, that is, they 
consist almost exclusively of trientes, and contain few or 
no 23 silver coins. But beyond this general likeness, each 
series has henceforth an independent character. The exact 
point at which the Visigothic coinage breaks off from all 
connection with the Merovingian, has already been indi- 
cated. Leovigild's first type is the Victory ; his second 
was taken from the cross haussee of Tiberius and Mauri- 
tius, not directly, probably, but through the intervention 
of the Marseilles type. Nevertheless, it does not closely 
resemble any Merovingian coin, and from this time for- 
ward all connection between the coinages of France and 
Spain comes to an end. 

As the coinage of the Visigoths has received such an 
exhaustive treatment at the hands of M. Heiss, it will be 
unnecessary here to do more than give a list of the differ- 
ent types, the different kings, and the towns at which 
they struck. 


1. Obv. Bust in profile, cross on breast. 
Rev. Victory holding wreath and palm. 
(Cf. PL III. No. 13.) 

23 Few in the case of the Lombards ; none in that of the 



2. Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Cross haussee on three steps. 

(Of. PI. III. No. 14.) 

(The cross on the breast disappears, the figure grows 
smaller, and the reverse cross grows smaller likewise, as 
we proceed along the row of kings.) 

3. Obv. Bust facing. 
Rev. Bust facing. 

(Cf. PI. III. No. 15.) 

4. Obv. Long cross ; on either side two busts counter-gardant. 
Rev. Cruciform monogram. 

LEOVIGILD (573586). 
Types 1, 2, 3. 


Bracara ? (Braga). Narbona. 

Caesaraugusta (Saragossa). Portocale (Oporto). 

Cordoba. Reccopolis (near Almonacid de 

Egessa(Egeade losCaballeros). Zarita). 

Elvora (Evora). Rhoda (Rosas). 

Emerita (Merida). Toletum. 

Hispalis (Seville). Tucci ? (Martos). 

Lebea? (Lieba). 


Brigantium (Betanzos). 
Coleia (Goleia). 
Contosolia (Magacela). 
Dertosa (Tortosa). 

RECCAREDUS I. (586601). 
Types 2, 3. 

Egitania (Idanha Velha). 

Eliberris (Elvira). 




Iminio (Coimbra). 

[Massilia. 24 ] 

24 A coin is published by M. Heiss, of the Marseilles type, and 
with the letters M A. There is no reason to believe that it 
was struck at Marseilles, only that it imitated the Merovingian 



Mentesa (La Guardia). 


Oliovasio (Olibes). 

Pincia (Pentes). 




Salmantica (Salamanca). 
Tarraco (Tarragona). 
Tornio. (?) 
Turiaso (Tarazona). 
Tude (Tuy). 

LIUVA II. (601603). 

Type 3. 

Barcinona. Emerita. Mandolas. 

Caesaraugusta. Hispalis. Portocaie. 

Elvora. Iminio. Toletuin. 


Biterris (Beziers). 



Caliabria (near Ciudad Rodrigo). 

Catora (?). 





Georres (Puebla de Valdeorras). 

WITTERIC (603 610). 
Type 3. 


Lastera (Ledra). 

Lavo. (?) 




Palentucio. (?) 

Saldania (Saldana), 





GONDEMAR (610612). 
Type 3. 



SISEBUT (612621). 
Type 3. 

Bergidum? (near Villa Franca Lamego. 

del Vierzo). Mentesa. 

Caesaraugusta. Portocaie. 

Egitania. Senvre (Senra ?). 

Elvora. Saguntum (Murviedro). 

Emerita. Tarraco. 

Georres. Toletum. 

Hispalis. Turiaso. 

Iminio. Veseo (Viseu). 



Acci (Guardix el 

Asturica (Astorga). 

Barbi (near Martos). 







Castulona (Cazlona). 



Gerunda (Girona). 


Beatia (Baeza). 


SUINTHILA (621631). 

Type 3. 

Eliberris. Senvre. 

Emerita. Tarraco. 

Georres. Toletum. 

Hispalis. Tucci (Martos). 

Lucus (Lugo). Turiaso. 

Mentesa. Valentia. 

Narbona. Ventosa. (?) 

SISENAND (631636). 
Type 3. 

Emerita. Narbona. 

Hispalis. Tarraco. 

Mentesa. Toletum. 

CHINTHILA (636640). 
Types 2, 8. 

Hispalis. Narbona. 

Iminio. Petra. (?) 

Lucus. Toletum. 

Mave(Mabe-gerunda, Tucci. 
or Mave ?). Valentia. 

TULGA (640642). 
Type 8. 

Cordoba. Lsetera. 

Egitania. Tarraco. 

Emerita. Toletum. 

Type 3. 

Asturica. Hispalis. 

Aurense (Orense). 



Calapa (between Moimenta and 

Fraucelo (Francelos). 







Toriviana (Torebia). 



L L 



Type 4 (and var.). 

Emerita. Narbona. 

Hispalis. Toletum. 

Types 2, 3. 

Bracara. Emerita. Tarraco. 

Cordoba. Hispalis. Toletum. 

Egitania. Narbona. Tude. 


WAMBA (672680). 
Type 2. 




EBVIGIUS (680687). 
Types 2, 3 (var.). 










EGICA (687696). 
Type 2 (and var.). 



Type 4 (and var.). 





WITTIZA (700710). 
Type 2 (and var.). 25 

Csesaraugusta. Gerunda. Narbona. 

Cordoba. Hispalis. Tarraco. 

Emerita. Mentesa. Toletum. 

RODEBIGO (710711). 

Type 2. 
Egitania. Toletum. 

The history of the Visigoths ends with this monarch, 
who was defeated by the Arabs under Tarik at the battle 
of Guadaleta, 31st July, 711, when Spain passed into the 
hands of Musa-ibn-Nuseyr, Governor of Africa. 

ACHILA (uncertain king, probably a rival of Roderic, 711 ?). 

Type 2. 
Narbona. Tarraco. 


It was in 590 that Autharis (Odoacer, Otto), the third 
in succession from Alboin, struck his spear upon a column 
on the sea-shore at Rhegium, and proclaimed that as the 
limit of the Longobardish kingdom. With this event the 
era of conquest ends ; but in truth the Lombards never 
possessed the whole of Italy, nor was the power of their 
kings ever supreme even in those regions which the Lom- 
bards possessed. Rome, Venice, and Naples acknow- 
ledged the exarchate of Ravenna, or, in reality, they kept 
up a kind of independent republic, each in their own 
country. In the south of Italy especially, Byzantine 
influences were predominant. The Germanic nations, 

25 Some of the coins of Toleto in this reign are of a new and 
peculiar reverse type, namely, the cross, surrounded by a crown 
of thorns. 


too, were not accustomed to the simplicity of a united 
government, and the feudal chiefs who established them- 
selves in the land soon became almost independent, and 
often appear as the rivals of the kings. These are the 
Dukes of Benevento, Spoleto, Turin, Friuli, &c., whose 
office, whatever its original character, soon became here- 
ditary. The first of these, the Dukes of Benevento, after 
having possessed for a time the crown of Lombardy, 
became independent princes and issued a separate series 
of coins. 

The kingdom attains its summit under Cunipert, 
Aripert, and Luitprand, the last of whom was the great 
law-giver or law-reviser of the Lombards. These are the 
kings who have given us most of the coins of the Lom- 
bard series. Soon after the death of Luitprand began a 
series of intestine struggles which were only ended when 
the arms of Charlemagne intervened in favour of the Holy 
See. During all the period of Lombard rule, no single 
family succeeded in long retaining the crown, which was 
always held rather by election than descent, and passed 
from one to another among the heads of the ducal houses. 26 
Though at one time a Duke of Benevento is found upon 
the throne, it would seem that by the beginning of the 
eighth century the people of the south had very much 
separated themselves from the court of Pa via, and had 
gravitated more towards the Eastern Empire. This is 
shown by the coins. The Dukes or Princes of Benevento 
succeeded in retaining their principality for some years 

26 This condition of life, under feudal superiors with elective 
kings, i.e. leaders in battle, was the ideal condition of society 
among all the German nations ; feudalism being, as Mayne and 
others have shown, little else than the development of the old 
Teutonic community. 



after Charlemagne had seized the crown of Lombardy. 
Their money dovetails in with the Karling series of coins, 
and though the list of the coins is given here, they will be 
referred to again in the next part. 

The coins of the Lombards are quite original in style 
and type, bearing no resemblance to those of the Mero- 
vingians upon the one side except indeed the resem- 
blance, now general in Europe, of their being struck 
chiefly in gold nor to the coins of the Empire, as re- 
presented at Ravenna, upon the other side. The money 
of Beneventum, however, follows closely the current 
imperial type, and shows the relationship which existed 
between Southern Italy and Byzantium. In truth, Naples 
and Sicily were at this time Eastern and not Western. 

The following are the types of the Lombard coins : 


(Conjointly with his father, 679688 ; alone, 688700.) 
(V. Paulus Diac., v. 35.) 

Obv. DN CVNI NCPGRT. Draped and diademed bust to 
right ; in front, H. 

Eev. SCS MI H1HL. St. Michael standing towards left, 
holding long cross pommee and round shield. 

JV. *7. Wt. '7 gramme, circ.; Zanetti, "Monete 
d'ltalia," vol. iv., PL I. No. 3. 

(PI. III. 16.) 

Var. D before head on obverse. These letters are no 
doubt mint- marks, but they do not seem to be the initial 
of any towns where the Lombards probably had mints. 
Their capital was Pavia; another important town was 
Verona, another Lucca. 


ARIPERT (701712). 

(P. D., vi. 20.) 
Obv. DNA RIP6R. Same type as last ; in front, H. 

Rev. Same as last. 
N. -57. 

LUITPBAND (712739). 

1. Obv. DNjV TPRAN. Similar type, but more barbarous ; 

in front of head, H. 

Rev. Same as last. 
N. -9. 

2. Obv. Similar ; var. in front of head, T (Ticinius, Pavia ?). 
Rev. Similar, but angel wearing pointed helmet. 27 

N. '9. 

(PL III. 17.) 


Obr. Draped and diademed bust to right ; uncertain legend 

Rev. Monogram of Luitprand ? 

JR. '5. Wt. '5 gramme, over. 
(PI. III. 18.) 

This is the attribution of the late Count de Sails. Its 
likelihood depends very much upon the circumstances of 
its discovery. Monograms of this complicated character 
lend themselves to almost any interpretation, but I confess 
I cannot make out Luitprand from the monogram upon 
this coin. 

ASTAULF (751755). 



Obv. DN AISTVLF REX. In centre, even-limbed cross 

27 I have little doubt that this is meant for a helmet, though 
the appearance of one of this shape is remarkable. 


Rev.-+ FLAVIA LVCA. Flower. 
N. -65. 

(PI. III. 19.) 

DESIDERIUS (756774). 


Obv. + DN DESIDER R. Cross potent, as last. 
Rev.- Same as last. 
Jf. -65. 


1. Obv. Monogram attributed to Katchis (744 749), but 

without much probability. 

Rev. Cross potent, surrounded by VIVIVI, &c. 
N. -65. 

2. Obv. Monogram attributed with more likelihood to Athalgis 

N. -6. 


Obv. Same as reverse of coins of Astaulf and Desiderius. 

Rev. Same as reverse of last two coins. 
N. '65. 


The type of the following coins is imitated closely from 
the contemporary pieces of Justinian II., and as the name 
of the duke who struck the coin is at first only hinted by 
one or more letters in the field, it will be unnecessary to 
repeat the description of the coins of each. In fact, here 
we find ourselves returning to the earlier method of indi- 
cating the name of the king who struck any coin, by 
placing his initial or his monogram in the field of the 
reverse, such as we noticed on the solidi of Theodoric 
the Ostrogoth and Gondobald the Burgundian. Though 


by this time such a practice had been long abandoned in 
other parts of Europe. 


Obv. DN IVSTNIANVS PPAVG (frequently blundered). 
Draped and diademed bust facing, holding orb with 

Rev. VICTORIA AVG (also frequently blundered). Cross 
potent, raised upon four steps (Byzantine cross) in 
field, initial letter of Duke ; in exergue CONOB. 

N. '8. Wt. 4 grammes, over. 
(PI. III. 20.) 


Similar type, but on reverse cross on ball over one step. 
N. '5. Wt. 1*4 gramme, circ. 
(PL III. 21.) 

The dukes indicated in this way seem, to be 

R Romoald II. (698720). G ^ Gisulf III. (732749). 

Mngm. Andelas (721722). L Luitprand (749758). 

% Q Gregory (722729). A Arrigis (758787, Prince, 

G E Godescalc (729732). 774). 

After this series we corne to the coins of 


SOLIDUS (of base gold). 
Obv. GRIM + VALD. Same type as before. 

Rev. DOMS * CAR* R. Byzantine cross ; on either side, 
G R ; in exergue, VIC. 

N. -85. Wt. 3-9 grammes. 
(PI. III. 22.) 

TRIENS (of base gold). 

Same type. 
N. *6. Wt. 1*1 gramme, over. 


GRIMOALD III. (independent, 793) OR GRIMOALD IV. (806827). 


Oltr. Same. 

7,V/\ VICTORIA PRINCIPE. Same type. G R beside 
cross ; in exergue, ONO. 

Same type. 

SILVER DENARIUS (Karling standard). 

1. (>l>r. Monogram of Grimoald. 

Her. BENE BENTV. Byzantine cross; on either side, 

A O). 
JR. -7. (PI. III. 23.) 




branch on either side. 

Rev. ARCHANGELVS MICHAEL. Radiate cross patee. 

(PI. III. 24.) 

SIGO (827833). 


Obv. SIGO PRINCES. Draped and diademed bust, hold 
ing orb as before. 

7?^r. ARCHANGELVS MICHAEL. Angel standing, 
facing, holding cross with Christian monogram, and 
orb with cross ; in exergue, CONO. (Var., no 



Obv. Same. 

liev. ARCHANGEL MICHAEL. Cross potent on one 
step ; on either side S C. 




Obv.+ PRINCES BENEBENTI. S I G at extremity 
of limbs of a cross. 

Rev. ARCHANGELVS MIHAEL. Byzantine cross. 


(PI. III. 25.) 

SICAREDUS (838839). 


Obv. HSIC ARDV. Type as of preceding prince. 
Rev. Type as of preceding prince ; S I beside cross. 



Same type. 


Same as of preceding prince, but name of Sicaredus 

arranged in monograms around cross. 

RADELCHIS (839851). 


Same as of preceding princes ; but RADEL CHIS 
on obv., and R A on rev. 



Obv. RADELCHIS PRINCEPS. Flower, as on coins of 

Ilev. ARCHANGG MICHAGL. Cross, as on coins of 



(To be continued.} 


Xuniismatique de V Orient Latin. Par G. Schlumberger. 
Paris, 1878. 4to, 501 pp., with 19 plates. 

In this extremely handsome volume, published under the 
auspices of the Societe de 1'Orient Latin, we have the results of 
the labour of many years bestowed by the author on a series of 
coins which has always been of interest, but perhaps never 
more so than at the present time, when the future as well as 
the past history of the East is attracting so much attention. 
Following in the steps of M. de Saulcy, whose " Numismatique 
des Croisades " appeared some thirty years ago, M. Schlum- 
berger has largely added to the scope of his work by including 
by the side of the coins of the Crusaders of Syria and Cyprus 
and their brethren of Greece and the Peloponnesus the numer- 
ous suites of coins issued in the Levant by the Knights of St. 
John, the Venetians, and the Genoese. He has, as he says, 
attempted to expound the numismatic history of the Latin 
races in the East during a period of five hundred years, from the 
first Crusade at the dawn of the twelfth century, until the fall of 
the last Italian colonies of the Archipelago under the Ottoman 
sabre in the sixteenth. 

In doing this he has not only consulted the numerous authors 
who have written on the subject of these coins, of whom a list 
is prefixed to the work, but has carefully consulted the histo- 
rical works more properly so called, from which to compile the 
story of the different princes and authorities by whom coins 
were struck, and to ascertain the dates to be assigned to each. 

To assist him in his work the author has both travelled in 
the East and formed an important collection of the coins of 
which he treats perhaps the most important of its kind. He 
has also studied the collections in London, Berlin, Vienna, and 
Turin, besides being in communication with the directors or 
owners of the other principal collections in Europe. He has, 
moreover, searched all the chronicles and documents of the 
period to which he could obtain access, with the view of 
finding mention, however slight, of the coins which form the 
subject of his work. 

After such an amount of preparation we are the less sur- 
prised at the magnitude of the volume before us, which, as the 
author observes, is intended as a book of reference rather than 
as one to be read ; though, wherever it is consulted, it will be 
found to present its information in a pleasant readable form. 

The coins and their history are divided into two groups. 
The first comprises 1, the Principalities of Syria and Palestine, 


including the Counts of Edessa, the Lords of Marach, the 
Princes of Antioch, the Kings of Jerusalem, the Counts of 
Tripoli, the secondary baronies of the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
and the Arab imitations of the Frankish coins ; 2, the kingdom 
of Cyprus ; 3, the dynasts of Rhodes, up to the conquest by the 
Knights of St. John of Jerusalem ; and 4, the grand-masters of 
that order. 

The second group is even more comprehensive, its principal 
headings being as follows : Kings of Salonica, Princes of Achaia, 
Baronies of the Morea, Dukes of Athens, Lords of the Negro- 
pont, Despots of Epirus, the Sebastocrators of Patra, the Nea- 
politan Princes of Epirus, the Latin Seigneurs of the Archipelago, 
the Genoese Lords of Chios, the Gattilusio family, the Lords of 
the two Phocaeas, the Genoese colonies of Pera and Caffa, the 
Venetian colonies of the Levant, and the Turcoman coins with 
Latin inscriptions. 

Such a list as this gives some idea of the scope of this work, 
and of the amount of information it contains. Although this 
class of coins has not been so much studied in England as it 
deserves to be, yet our readers will no doubt remember an 
interesting article on a hoard of coins found at Ephesus by 
Mr. Wood, which was printed in the twelfth volume of this 
Chronicle. In it Mr. Grueber gave an account of upwards of 
two thousand coins struck by the Latin rulers in the East, and 
we cannot do better than refer our readers back to this article 
to enable them to judge of the numismatic and historical im- 
portance of the series of coins of which M. Schluinberger has so 
exhaustively treated. Two other articles, from the pens of 
Mr. Fitzgerald and Mr. Pfister, which also appeared in the 
Numismatic Chronicle, 1 and one by Mr. Lindsay, comprise, we 
believe, the whole of the English bibliography of the subject. 
Notwithstanding the important part played by our Richard Cceur 
de Lion in the Crusades whose marriage, indeed, took place in 
the Island of Cyprus, so recently brought under English rule 
and in the Latin kingdom which he founded, no traces of English 
influence can be perceived on these coins ; and this circumstance 
may, perhaps, account for the indifference hitherto displayed in 
this country towards them. The appearance of M. Schlum- 
berger's book at this juncture is especially opportune ; and we 
hope that some of our readers may, in consequence, be led to 
take up the study of this important branch of numismatics. 
When we add that the plates which illustrate M. Schlumberger's 
volume are engraved by Dardel, we need say no more : we may, 
however, mention that the publisher is M. Ernest Leroux, of 
Paris. J. E. 

1 Vol. viii. p. 197 ; vol. xv. p. 1. 






S. VolZMJU. " 





(JkroA. NS l/o L WUI. Fl. XL 






THE numismatist who proposes the reattribution of already 
published coins, does so at some risk. The first publisher 
of a coin must in any case render some service, even if he 
mistake the true character and history of the monument 
he describes. But the republisher comes into court, as it 
were, with a rope round his neck. Unless he is right, he 
does little or nothing for the advancement of knowledge, 
but only wastes time. It is therefore not without much 
diffidence that I venture to propose certain reattribution s 
of interesting Greek coins, a diffidence only overcome by 
my confidence in the verdict of those able numismatists 
who have already professed themselves favourable to the 
changes here proposed. I should add that the new 
attributions were in each case first suggested by remarks 
of one of the most careful and useful of our numis- 
matists, Mr. H. P. Borrell, whose manuscript catalogue of 
the collection of the Bank of England I have frequently 
of late had occasion to consult, and have been compelled 
to assign it a high rank among original numismatic 

VOL. XV11I. N.S. N N 



Herodotus in his third book (ch. iv.) writes thus : 
" There was, among the mercenaries of Amasis, a Halicar- 
nassian, by name Phanes, a man of judgment and valiant 
in conduct. This Phanes, having some quarrel with 
Amasis, fled by sea from Egypt, wishing to open negotia- 
tions with Cambyses. As he was of no small account 
among the mercenaries, being intimately acquainted with 
Egypt, Amasis pursued him, making every effort to cap- 
ture him." The tale proceeds that Phanes escaped from the 
pursuer to the court of Cambyses, and became his guide 
in the invasion of Egypt in the year B.C. 527 or 525. The 
Greek and Carian mercenaries of Amasis, being furious at 
the desertion of Phanes, slew his sons in camp within sight 
of their father. Shortly afterwards a battle took place, in 
which the troops of Amasis were defeated and Cambyses 
became master of Egypt. It is of this Phanes that I 
Delieve myself to have discovered a numismatic me- 

The coin in question is of electrum, weighing 217*8 
grains. It was published by Mr. Newton in the volume 
of the Numismatic Chronicle for 1870, page 237, and 
appears in Mr. Head's paper on electrum coins (1875), 
PL VII. No. 4. I repeat the woodcut from Mr. New- 
ton's article slightly altered. The inscription I read 
thus : 


The obverse type is a stag; and on the reverse is an 
oblong sinking between two square ones. It will be seen 
on comparison that Mr. Newton read the inscription some- 
what differently. He wrote it thus <I>AENO EMI 
ZHMA, and was inclined, with the greatest hesitation, to 
see in <1>AENOR a variant of <aeWs, which he considered 
as a possible genitive of <aei/u>, the bright one, an epithet 
of Artemis. He further suggested that if the coin be- 
longed to Artemis it might have been struck at Ephesus. 
But he informs me that he has never been satisfied with 
this attribution ; and I have little doubt that he would 
have anticipated my attribution had he known of an 
important fact which I have since discovered. 

This fact is conveyed in a manuscript note of Mr. Bor- 
rell, the original possessor of the coin, which states that 
the piece was found at Budrun (Halicarnassus). An 
attentive examination of the piece has also led me to find 
in the place of <!>AENOR 4>ANOZ. I doubt if there 
ever was a letter between the A and N ; the space between 
those letters appearing to result from some accident to the 
die ; but if there ever was a letter it has quite disappeared. 
In Mr. Head's photograph it looks as if there were two 
N's, but certainly only one is to be seen on the coin itself. 
Also I read Z somewhat blurred in the place of R 

4>ANOZ is, however, quite a correct form for the geni- 
tive of 4>ANHZ, although <I>ANEOZ would be the usual 
Ionic form. <I>ANOZ EMI ZHMA would mean "I am 
the mark or symbol of Phanes." So it seems reasonable 
to judge, as the coin was found at Halicarnassus and bears 
the name of Phanes, that it was issued by the chief men- 
tioned by Herodotus, who may in all probability have been 
of Halicarnassus, his native city, before he took 


service with the Egyptian king Amasis. Herodotus does 
not indeed say that Phanes was tyrant of Halicarnassus, 
but it is intrinsically probable that he was so even apart 
from the conclusive evidence offered by the present coin. 
He was a man of great mark among the mercenaries of 
Amasis, and we know that Halicarnassus, as well as most 
of the cities on the west coast of Asia Minor, was in the 
sixth century under the rule of successive tyrants. What 
more probable than that Phanes was master of the city 
about B.C. 550 530, and in consequence of some civic 
revolt went to seek his fortune in Egypt ? 

It is precisely to the period B.C. 620 540 that Mr. 
Newton, on the evidence of its epigraphy, assigned this 
coin. It is interesting to compare the fashion of its 
inscription with that of other inscriptions dating from the 
same early period. Of all these the one which comes 
nearest to it in epigraphical character is the well-known 
legend cut upon the foot of a statue at Abu-Simbel in 
Nubia. This was engraved in memory of one of their 
expeditions by Greek mercenaries in the service of Psam- 
mitichus I. or II., King of Egypt, at a period not later 
than about B.C. 600. On comparing with it the legend of 
our coin, letter by letter, it appears that the alphabet used 
is identical, except only that the N of the coin is sloping, 
that of the Egyptian inscription nearly erect. To the 
dialectic form, on the coin, avos as genitive of ^avr/s, 
corresponds in the lapidary inscription 0eo/cA.os as genitive 
of eo/cAiys. Kirchhoff says that the alphabet used in com- 
mon in the two inscriptions is the early Ionic, although 
some of the dialectic forms, such as that just quoted, are 
rather Doric. To nearly the same period belong the in- 
scriptions cut on the statues from the sacred way at 
Branchidae. The alphabet employed in these is of a very 


similar character to that used at Abu-Simbel, the chief 
difference being the introduction of Z in the place of . 
It is very interesting to observe the exact correspondence 
of the alphabet of Abu-Simbel with that of our coin, 
because Phanes also, as already observed, was an Egyptian 

The coin before us has usually been supposed to be the 
earliest inscribed specimen known. In assigning it to the 
middle of the sixth century B.C., we gain a fixed point 
whence to reckon backward to the origin of coinage in 
Asia Minor. Mr. Head, in his " Metrological Notes," 
gives the electrum coins of the Graeco- Asiatic standard to 
the period 700 520 B.C. ; but the money which he assigns 
to the lower date has a much later appearance than our 
coin, which in style and fabric rather resembles the 
earliest of the pieces described by Mr. Head, and certainly 
looks far more archaic than the money given by general 
consent and on very good grounds to Croesus, King of 
Lydia. It is possible that the coinage of Halicarnassus 
and Curia was later in development than that of Lydia 
and Ionia. I should prefer this supposition to the theory 
that our piece was issued at Halicaruassus half a century 
earlier than I have supposed by a grandfather of the 
Phanes of Herodotus, who, according to all Hellenic 
analogy, might well have the same name as his grandson. 
I have thought it right to mention this last theory because 
it would no doubt suggest itself to some of my readers ; 
but its adoption is unnecessary, and would occasion much 
inconvenience in early Greek numismatics by suggesting 
to us a precocity and universality of coinage on the coast 
of Caria which we should not have expected. 



The very rare coin of Lamia in Thessaly (weight, 86 gr.), 
of which we give in PI. XII. a photographic enlarge- 
ment, taken from a clever cast by Mr. Augustus Ready, 1 
was briefly described by Mr. Borrell in these pages (N.C., 
VI F. page 119). This writer was completely puzzled by 
the head on the obverse, which he declared to be of a 
character quite new in Greek numismatics. A similar 
piece was engraved by Dr. Friedlander in the Zeitschrift 
fiir Numismatik (1878, page 16). Dr. Friedlander con- 
siders the head on the obverse, in spite of the earring, to 
be that of Apollo, and in the type of the reverse sees a 
youthful Philoctetes. Why I cannot accept this view 
will plainly appear presently. 

Long ago Mr. Head remarked to me that the seated 
figure of the reverse belonged clearly by style to the 
period immediately succeeding Alexander the Great. I 
hesitated at first, on account of the great excellence of 
the work, to bring it down so late ; but now clearly see 
that he was right. And, in fact, the diadem which 
encircles the head on our obverse indicates a time after 
that of Alexander. Observing this diadem, I felt sure 
that the head adorned by it was of no deity, but of a per- 
sonage. That this personage was female was rendered 
clear not only by the modelling of the head, but by the 
prominent earring, worn by no male Greek of that time. 
That the head was a portrait, and a portrait of no ordinary 
merit, seemed quite clear when one looked at it with care. 

1 I think it right to add that this cast has been a little re- 
touched. In the British Museum there are two specimens of 
this coin, both on the obverse from the same die, but both 
pierced. The cast is taken from one specimen, and slightly 
corrected by help of the other. 


Of whom should this portrait be ? Undoubtedly of some 
lady of the age of the first Diadochi, about B.C. 300. But 
certainly of no queen. Queens at this period would 
usually wear the veil, and it is quite out of the 
question that any one of them should appear on coins 
with short hair hanging straight over her neck. The 
fact that the present coin was issued by the people of 
Lamia in Thessaly, suggested to me that the person re- 
presented on it must be the notorious namesake of their 
city, the courtezan Lamia, and subsequent reflection has 
raised that suspicion almost to the rank of a certainty. 

In the naval victory won by Demetrius Poliorcetes over 
Ptolemy on the coast of Cyprus, among the booty which 
fell to the winner were a number of women, and among 
them Lamia. She was at this time past her youth, but 
her charms had not faded ; and by their aid and that of 
her wit, for she was o-<j>68pa V#IKTOS /cat darner) Trpos rag 

aTTOKpiVets, she so captivated young Demetrius that she 
enslaved him for life. Plutarch says that Demetrius was 
amatory of many women, but of Lamia alone a lover. 
The two were together at Athens, and Demetrius fre- 
quented the house of Lamia openly with his arms and 
bearing the regal diadem. On one occasion Demetrius 
levied a tax on the Athenians of 250 talents, and then at 
the request of Lamia bestowed it upon her and her friends 
to buy unguents. She went so far as to make requisitions 
on her own account, and with the proceeds entertained 
Demetrius at a banquet which equalled in splendour any 
in antiquity. The degenerate Athenians, as well as the 
people of Thebes, erected temples to Aphrodite Lamia, 
and made sacrifices in her honour. At her own expense 
she erected a fine stoa at Sicyon in Achaia. 

The power of Demetrius was firmly fixed in Thessaly. 


Some of the ancients maintained that he raised the 250 
talents above mentioned not in Athens but in Thessaly. 
Even after Pyrrhus of Epirus had driven him out of 
Macedon, it was to Thessaly that he retreated, and thence 
he endeavoured to retrieve his fortunes. So that the 
people of Lamia should be willing to go any length to 
please him is not unnatural. It undoubtedly shows the 
great degradation and demoralization of the times that 
they should be willing to place on their coins the effigy of 
a hetaira, and even to accord her the regal diadema, but 
many circumstances occur to lessen our astonishment at 
this unique fact. 

It will be remembered that Demetrius and his father 
Antigonus were the first of Greeks, with the exception of 
Alexander the Great, to adopt the diadema and the kingly 
title. This they did in the year B.C. 306. Three years 
later Demetrius was proclaimed at Corinth rjyc^v rrjs 
'EAAaSos, after which proclamation he would have a sort of 
legal title to bear the diadema in Greece; as we know 
from Plutarch that he did publicly bear it at Athens. 
All his queens would also have the right of bearing it. 
Lamia was not one of his queens ; but it should be added 
that Demetrius was a man of so irregular a life that 
it was hard to say who was his queen and who was not. 
In B.C. 303 he married Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, 
although he had at the time two wives living, Phila and 
Eurydice, whom he had not even divorced. In B.C. 301 
he further took to wife Ptolemais, daughter of Ptolemy, 
who had long been promised to him. The Greek princes 
were not strict monogamists. Dionysius of Syracuse, for 
example, married two wives in one day. On the other 
hand, Plutarch distinctly calls Lamia the ya^err? of 
Demetrius : and her connection with him was a con- 
tinuous one, and by no means dishonourable as the man- 


ners of the time went. Athenaeus tells how, in reply to a 
gibe of Lysimachus, Demetrius boasted that his Lamia 
lived a better and purer life than the wife the Penelope, 
as he ironically called her of Lysimachus. In another 
place the same writer says that Demetrius loved Lamia 
Sm/uWtos, to distraction as we should say. And if he 
indulged his other favourites in " everything short of the 
diadema " as we are told he did, he may, in the case of 
Lamia, have exceeded even that limit. If Athens and 
Thebes were not ashamed to erect temples to Lamia, the 
city which bore her name might well place her head on 
its coins, just as Mytilene honoured the head of Sappho 
and Corinth that of Lais. 

Turning to the head on the obverse of our coin, what do 
we find ? The portrait, slightly idealised but admirably 
executed, of a woman of a solid and noteworthy type 
of beauty. She is no longer young ; the double chin and 
the lines of the neck indicate an age of at least thirty 
years. The features are of extreme regularity, the nose 
almost more than Greek in its perfect straightness. The 
massive features and thick neck indicate an extraordinary 
physical development in chest and limb of the body 
belonging to this head. The deep-set eye and strongly- 
cut lips shew character and wit. The whole aspect of the 
face is sensual, or } perhaps, rather sensuous ; not entirely 
without coarseness, and yet of no low or animal type. 
The hair is arranged in a perfectly novel and unconven- 
tional way, 2 giving a somewhat masculine air to the head. 
That the hair of a queen or a matron should be thus 
arranged is, as I have already pointed out, not to be 
believed for a moment. Everything corresponds with 

2 We find the same arrangement in the head of a Maenad on 
the gold staters of Lampsacus. 



what we should have expected in a courtezan, and the 
courtezan Lamia in particular. 

The fashion of the hair of our heroine is the more 
worthy of attention, because it was the custom of the 
Hetairae, as Lucian tells us, to pay particular attention to 
the adornment of their hair (ras rplxas ev0eTtou<rav ds TO 
eVcupiKov). On the coins of Corinth we find a very rich 
collection of fashions in hair-dressing, taken, no doubt, 
from the customs of the Corinthian Hetairae of the period. 
The fashion followed by Lamia seems to be, however, 
quite of her own setting, and well adapted to the some- 
what masculine style of her beauty. 

Becker, in his Charicles, remarks that the Hetairae of 
the Greeks were of quite a different class from the common 
Pornai or prostitutes, and were in many cases possessed of 
both wealth and wit. Their position was further im- 
proved after the time of Alexander the Great, owing 
partly to the general relaxation in morals which occurred 
at that time, and partly to the higher consideration 
bestowed thenceforth on women in general. Lamia would 
enjoy special distinction in virtue not only of the qualities 
she possessed, but as being the daughter of a free 
Athenian citizen. Nevertheless, we cannot but regard 
the presence of her effigy on coins as a very remarkable 
fact, and one worthy the attention of all who undertake 
the study of the ancient life of Hellas. We may add, that 
the present is the only surviving instance of contemporary 
portraiture of a Greek beauty who was not also a queen. 

In the figure of the reverse of our coin I see an unmis- 
takeable Herakles. The more usual type of the coins of 
the city is Philoctetes. The change was probably made 
with a purpose ; in order to introduce under the simili- 
tude and with the attributes of Herakles a likeness of 


Demetrius himself, the handsomest of the Greeks of his 
time. Of course, considering the scale of the representa- 
tion, it would be absurd to look in this case for a real 
portrait, but it is likely that the engraver had in his mind 
a statue of young Demetrius. There is in the figure quite 
the air of one who is sitting for a portrait ; and even the 
head looks like a real rather than an ideal one. 

Another contemporary courtezan, Glyeera, had much 
the same position by favour of Harpalus that Lamia 
obtained by favour of Demetrius. (See " Athenseus," xiii. 
p. 586.) " After the death of Pythionica, Harpalus sent 
for Glycera from Athens, who on her arrival was installed 
in the palace at Tarsus, and the people had to prostrate 
themselves before her and call her queen. No one was 
permitted to bestow a crown on Harpalus, without 
bestowing one also on Glycera. Harpalus went so far as 
to put up a brazen statue of her beside his own at Rhosus." 

Diodorus Siculus 3 relates that Helios, when he visited 
Rhodes, begat of the local nymph Rhodes seven sons, who 
were called the Heliadse, and one daughter named Elec- 
tryona. The latter, dying while yet a child, was wor- 
shipped by the Rhodians as a heroine. From an inscrip- 
tion found at lalysus, and recently published by Mr. C. T. 
Newton in the Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Literature, it appears that she possessed a temple with 
sacred precinct (temenos), which no horse or other beast 
of burden was allowed to enter, nor any person wearing 
an article made of hog's leather. I believe that I have 
found on gold and copper coins of Rhodes the head of this 

3 V. 56. 


Obv. Female head to right, wearing radiate 

necklace, and earring. 

/iW. P O- MEAANT. Rose with bud. 
Jf. Size, -5. Wt., 31-5 grs. 

This head has hitherto been taken for that of Helios him- 
self; but its female character is quite unmistakeable. 
It cannot belong to the sea-nymph Rhodos, who is the 
daughter of Poseidon and Halia, and has no solar cha- 
racter whatever. Her head, enveloped in net or sphendone 
as befitted a nymph, often appears on Rhodian coins. 
But Electryona, or Alectrona as she is termed in the 
lalysian inscription, is clearly a female solar deity, and 
has every right to wear a radiate crown. Her name 
comes from the same root as ^XCKTW/J, a name applied by 
Homer to the Sun ; rjAe/o-pov, or amber, and other words 
with solar reference. The story of Diodorus is clearly 
the late-born offspring of a time when all the deities of 
Greece were being turned into pre-historic kings and 
princesses, the age of Euhemerus. We can scarcely be 
wrong in supposing that Electryona, though degraded in 
later times to the rank of a heroine, was in early days a 
powerful sun- goddess, and a female form of the Helios of 
the island of Rhodes, who was never quite identified with 
the Greek Apollo. Mr. Newton well remarks that " the 
strictness with which all that was unclean was debarred 
from her temenos, seems to indicate a Semitic source for 
the ritual." To this it may be added, that, so far as we 
know, a female sun-god was foreign to the Greek mytho- 
logy. Probably the Phoonicians are responsible for her 



MONSIEUR J. P. Six ("Num. Chron.," 1877, pp. 221230) 
has drawn up a list of as many as forty-four different 
varieties of coins which he believes, and in my judgment 
with good reason, to have been issued for the most part at 
the important city of Gaza, in the extreme southern 
corner of Palestine. 

A large majority of these silver coins are imitations of 
the older Athenian money, which while Athens was 
supreme upon the sea, B.C. 465 412, found its way into 
Egypt, where there was no native currency, in exchange 
for corn, and to Gaza in exchange for the spices of Arabia 
and luxuries of various kinds from the far East. 

These Athenian coins, once established as the recognised 
and everywhere-acceptable currency, soon began to be 
imitated by the people's among whom they had from long 
use grown familiar ; more especially when the direct trade 
with Athens began to languish at the conclusion of the 
fifth century B.C., owing to the utter ruin (for a time) of 
that city, and the general break-up of her far-reaching 
dominion and influence. 

Gaza, particularly, at the head of the great southern 
caravan route, issued these imitations in large numbers, 


and from Gaza and Petra, the wealthy capital of the 
NabathaDans, they found their way along the Gulf of Ai'la 
and the Red Sea as far as the land of the Saboeans. 
These Sabseans, or Himyarites, were from very early 
times down to the sixth century of our aera a powerful 
and prosperous people, governed by their own kings and 
dwelling in the most fertile district of Arabia, which faces 
the Indian Ocean, and extends as far as the Persian Gulf. 
The highest point, however, of their wealth and power 
was attained by the Himyarite dynasty, which ruled 
between the second century B.C. and the year A.D. circ. 
120, and there is good reason to suppose that the accounts 
which have been handed down to us of the size and mag- 
nificence of their cities, and the splendour and luxury of 
their royal palaces and strong places, although perhaps 
somewhat exaggerated, are in the main true. 

But, to return to the coins. Many of the earlier Syrian 
and Arabian imitations are only to be distinguished from 
their Athenian prototypes by the barbarous character of 
the work, and in such cases the provenance of the coins is 
the only evidence of their origin. 

Of this class of unin scribed barbarous imitations Cap- 
tain Burton has lately discovered a specimen at Macna, 
on the Gulf of Aila. It is an ancient plated coin copied 
from one of the thick Attic tetradrachms of the older 
style, and therefore as early as the time of Alexander the 
Great. Another coin, PI. XIII. No. 17, of the same 
class, but of copper without any traces of plating, has 
been kindly sent me for exhibition this evening by the 
Rev. Prof. Churchill Babington. It is said to have been 
found by Mr. Loftus in Babylonia, whither it may have 
been conveyed either overland from Syria, or by way of 
Arabia and the Persian Gulf ; the latter being the most 


probable route, as it is the prototype of a series of small 
coins, PL XIII. Nos. 18 22, subsequently current in the 
region about the Gulf of Aila, which I shall refer to 

Of about the same period, or perhaps a little earlier, 
are two silver coins, weighing each 82 grains, in the 
British Museum, which were found at Marib near Aden, 
and three others in Colonel Prideaux's collection. These 
are of the usual Athenian types, but of more careful 
execution, and bear the Himyaritic letter /Y on the cheek 
of the goddess on the obverse ; one of them has also 
Himyarite letters on the reverse, among which ^ m ^y be 
distinguished, PI. XIII. Nos. 1 and 2. A third, from 
Bagdad, has the inscription (tobsb) in the Aramaic 
character. Somewhat later perhaps, but not long after 
Alexander's time, is a small silver coin weighing 23 
grains, PL XIII. No. 3, procured some years ago at Aden 
by Colonel Prideaux, and by him presented to the British 
Museum. On the obverse is a head which resembles that 
of a young man, but which is more probably only that 
of Athena somewhat obliterated ; and on the reverse 
is the Athenian owl and the Himyaritic inscriptions 
H ^T f hV and [#| y, the meaning of which I have not 
been able to make out even with the assistance of Colonel 
Prideaux's Himyaritic alphabet and learned grammar of 
the Sabsean language published in the Transactions of the 
Society of Biblical Archaeology, vols. ii. and v. 

A very remarkable fact in regard to these Arab imita- 
tions is the persistency with which the Athenian owl is 
clung to as the distinctive characteristic of the currency, 
even down to comparatively late times, as I shall pre- 
sently show. 

All the coins I have hitherto described are of the thick 


fabric which marks an early period, but those which I am 
now about to notice, PL XIII. Nos. 4 16, are of an entirely 
different character, although the owl is still retained as 
the type of the reverse. But before I describe them I 
will endeavour, in as few words as possible, to explain how 
it came about that the Athenian coinage could influence 
that of the Arabs for so long a period, for the presence of 
the amphora, on which the owl is seated, is a proof that 
these coins are copied from the later Athenian money. 

About the year B.C. 196, and again afterwards in 168, 
the dominions of Athens received large additions at the 
hands of the Romans (Herzberg. Gesch. Gr. I. 312, 313), 
among which the island of Delos proved to be of the very 
greatest value. This island was made a Roman free port, 
B.C. 167, under Athenian administration, and after the 
fall of Rhodes and the destruction of Corinth, B.C. 146, 
attained to a height of commercial importance, as a 
centre for the trade with the East, hitherto unequalled by 
any city of Greece. (Strabo x. 5, 744.) The market at 
Delos, which resembled a huge fair, was frequented in 
crowds by rich merchants from Tyre 1 and the other cities 
of the Phoenician coast, who drove a brisk trade at this 
convenient station midway between Italy and Greece on 
the one side, and Asia on the other. 

Athens, as the administrator of the island, of course 
supplied the necessary currency, and thus the new flat 
tetradrachms, first issued about 196 B.C., found their way 
into the money-bags of the wealthy Tyrian merchants, 
and through them to the ports on the coast of Phoenicia 

1 There was a guild of Phoenician merchants and ship-owners 
at Delos, under the protection of the Tyrian Herakles. Its 
name was TO KOWOV r&v Tv/oi'on/ e/x-n-opwv KOL vavKXyptDv (Boeckh., 
" C. I. G.," ii. 2271). 


and Palestine, among which, as we have already seen, 
Gaza was from ancient times one of the most important. 
This city had been more than once destroyed and again 
rebuilt, as is almost always the case where nature marks 
out a site as indispensable for the commercial intercourse 
of nations. To Gaza the spices of South Arabia, the gold, 
precious stones, ivory, sandal-wood, and woollen goods 
from India arrived through the land of the Sabeeans, and 
by way of the Red Sea and the great southern caravan 
route across the territory of the Nabathaeans ; and in ex- 
change the caravans brought back, among other products 
of Greece and the West, large quantities of good silver 
money in the shape of Athenian tetradrachms from the 
great central world -fair of Delos, where, as we learn from 
Strabo (xiv. 5, 2), among other goods, as many as ten 
thousand slaves for the Roman market were sometimes 
disembarked in the morning, and all sold before the even- 
ing. In fact, Delos was, according to Festus, " maximum 
emporium totius orbis terrarum." 

From about B.C. 146, the date of the destruction of 
Corinth, down to about B.C. 88, when Delos was devastated 
by Menophanes, one of the admirals of Mithradates, 2 a 
calamity from which the island never recovered, the issue 
of these tetradrachms at Athens must have been on an 
enormous scale. Two years afterwards, B.C. 86, Athens 
herself was besieged and taken by Sulla, and the issue 
of silver money there, if not altogether prohibited, as 
Mommsen conjectures, was certainly much restricted. 
The names of the magistrates hitherto inscribed upon 
them in full were, as some think, at this time superseded 
by monograms, and the weight of the coin was slightly 

2 Pausauias, iii. 23. 



reduced. These pieces nevertheless continued to be finished 
with considerable care, many specimens excelling in beauty 
of execution those of the flourishing time before B.C. 86. 

These, then, supposing them to have been the latest 
Athenian issue, were the last coins of Athens which 
could have found their way into the land of the Sabseans ; 
and when some years later they also failed, the Kings of 
Yemen and Hadhramaut, then at the height of their 
power and glory, were thrown upon their own resources 
for current coin, and just as, after the fall of the Athenian 
supremacy in B.C. 412, the scarcity of genuine Athenian 
money gave rise to the Eastern imitations of the thick 
coins of the old style which I have already noticed, so 
now, when Athens again ceased to coin on a large scale, 
in B.C. 86, a second series of Arab imitations makes its 
appearance, though this time the prototype is the flat 
coinage of the later Athenian issues. 

I have brought for exhibition this evening the follow- 
ing varieties, which, with the exception of the gold piece, 
all came from a find at San'a, which consisted of about 
three hundred coins in all : 


1. Obv. Head to right, laureate, beardless, the hair arranged 

in stiff corkscrew curls ; the whole within a 
wreath of laurel. 

Rev. Owl with closed wings standing, right, on amphora ; 
above its head, ^ ; in field, left \ , right,/; the 
whole in border of reels and beads. 

N. Size -6 inch. Wt. 38'4 grs. PL XIII. 
No. 4. 


2. Obv. Similar. 

Rev. h 2 C T hVh^. Owl with closed wings standing, 


right, on amphora; in front <0E, and object re- 
sembling cornucopiae ; in field, right, J^V '> border 
of reels and beads. JR. 1-05 inch. 

15 drachms, weighing, when uninjured, 84 to 
86 grs. (PL XIII. 5), and 2 half-drachms weighing 
each 40 grs. On three specimens the reverse 
inscription is written thus, /f 
PL XIII. 6. 

3. Obv. Similar, but head to left. 
Rev. Similar. 

1 drachm, weighing 84 grs. 


4. Qbv. Similar to No. 1. 

Rev. Owl on amphora ; in front object resembling cornu- 
copiae ; on either side monograms DEI and iL. 

14 drachms 84 to 86 grs.; PL XIII. 7. 
4 half-drachms 42 to 44 grs ; PL XIII. 8. 


5. Obv. Similar ; the head on some specimens surmounted 

by a crescent containing a dot w (PL XIII. 9). 

t 9 

Rev. Similar, but with monograms Q and i . 

1 drachm broken. 6 half-drachms, weighing 
from 41 to 45 grs. PL XIII. 9, 10. On one 
specimen the letter is wanting. 

6. Obv. Similar ; head to left. 

Rev. Similar, but monograms^] and j. 

1 drachm, weighing 85 grs. PL XIII. 11. 



7. Obv. Head of Augustus, diademed and laureate, right ; 

behind \J ; the whole in wreath of laurel. 

Rev. Similar, but with monograms /. and JT , 

9 drachms, weighing 82 to 86 grs. ; PL XIII. 
12, 13. 3 half-drachms without letter ^on obv. ; 
wt. 41 to 43 grs. ; PI. XIII. 15. 2 quarter- 
drachms ; wt. 20-05 grs. ; PL XIII. 16. 

8. Obc. Similar ; head to left ; behind on one specimen 


P 1 1 1 

Rev. Similar, but with monograms t& and . 
2 half-drachms ; wt. 43 and 44 grains. 


9. Obv. Head of Augustus, diademed and laureate, right ; 
behind V| ; the whole in wreath of laurel. 

Rev. Similar, but with monograms )| and 

1 drachm, 84 grs. ; PL XIII. 14. 

The interpretation of the inscriptions and monograms 
on this interesting series of coins I leave to Colonel Pri- 
deaux, who is, I believe, now at work upon them. Of one 
thing I am strongly persuaded, that sooner or later they 
will be made out, in spite of the dissimilarity of some of 
the characters to those which have hitherto come to light. 
It is perfectly conceivable that there may have been, and 
in my opinion highly probable that there were, two modes 
of writing, the one more careful and stately, used for 
inscriptions, and the other for documents of less import- 
ance, and for ordinary transactions. 

Another point which I have not yet touched upon, but 
which must not be passed over in silence, is the standard 


according to which these coins are accurately regulated. 
We might reasonably have expected that in weight, no less 
than in type, the coins of Athens would have been fol- 
lowed : but this is not the case, for the weight of the 
drachm (about 84 grains), which is maintained from the 
time of the earliest coins, about B.C. 400, down to the 
time of Augustus, is identical with that of the Persian 
siglos, which was abolished by Alexander the Great. 
The gold coin apparently follows the same standard. It 
is, therefore, almost certain that the Himyarites derived 
their standard for weighing silver from Babylon by way 
of the Persian Gulf, using it also for gold. The Perso- 
Babylonic silver mina of 8,645 grains (= 100 sigli of the 
normal weight of 86*45 grains) is thus proved to have 
remained in use, at any rate in South Arabia, for three 
centuries at least after Alexander had substituted for it 
the Attic standard throughout his Eastern dominions. 

Of the above seven classes, the gold coin, which I have 
called Class L, PL XIII. No. 4, connects itself by the 
monogram \ with the pieces of an earlier period. The 
coins of Class II., PL XIII. Nos. 5 and 6, also bear an 
inscription which is identical with that which has been 
already described on a little silver coin of an earlier age, 
PL XIII. No. 3. If, therefore, it contains a king's name, 
there must have been an earlier monarch with the same 

The obverses of Classes I. V., PL XIII. Nos. 411, 
have a head, probably of a god, which reminds us of that 
of Apollo on the latest coins of Lycia, which are contem- 
porary with the late Athenian tetradrachms, but I do not 
assert that it is imitated frown them. The arrangement 
of the hair on these heads may also be compared with 
that of the Sphinxes which are represented above one of 


the Himyaritic inscriptions in the British Museum. (Cata- 
logue of Himyarite Inscriptions, pi. iii. No. 4.) 

The reverses of all seven classes are imitated from 
Athenian tetradrachms of a late period : whether or no 
from those with monograms is doubtful, but cf. Beule, 
serie ix., which have a cornucopias in the field. The object 
resembling a cornucopise on the Himyarite coins is, how- 
ever, perhaps only a scroll or flourish, such as often occurs 
at the beginning of a phrase in Himyaritic inscriptions. 

The border of reels and beads is taken, not from coins 
of Athens, but from Syrian tetradrachms of the same 
period. The word <0E occurs only in Class II., perhaps 
the earliest of the seven. This manner of writing all 
three letters together, instead of A E across both fields 
of the coin, as on the late coins of Athens, was customary 
on the coins of the old style. Cf. PL XIII. No. 1, and is 
here retained. 

Class VI., PL XIII. No. 12 sqq., exchanges the head with 
ringlets for that of Augustus, a most valuable indication 
of date, proving this class to have been issued during, or 
soon after, the reign of that emperor. The famous expe- 
dition of ^Elius Gallus into Arabia in B.C. 24 may have 
occasioned this change of type ; or the direct commercial 
intercourse between the East and Puteoli, the Italian 
"little Delos," which superseded Delos in the trade in 
Oriental luxuries after the devastation of that island by 
Mithradates, may have brought Roman coins more and 
more into use in Arabia and India. 3 

3 Puteoli was the port at which the goods from the Delian 
market destined for Italy were disembarked. Hence Lucilius, 
who died about 103 B.C., calls it Delus Minor : 

" Inde Dicaearchum populos, Delumque minorem." 

Sat. iii. 3. 


Class VII., PI. XIII. No. 14, combines the head of 
Augustus with the monograms which distinguish Class III. 
In spite of this change in the type of the obverse, the old 
owl of Athena continues in Classes VI. and VII. to occupy 
the place of honour on the reverse. 

How persistently the Arabs, not only in Yemen and 
Hadhramaut, but also in the north, clung to this type is 
also exemplified by a find of small copper coins, which 
Captain Burton has been fortunate enough to light upon 
during his recent explorations in the land of Midian at 
Macna, on the Gulf of Aila. (PI. XIII. 18 sqq.) 

On one side of these little pieces Mr. Evans was the 
first to see an eye, 4 the last remaining, as being the most 
striking, feature of the head of Athena, and on the reverse 
the owl, sometimes quite distinct, and sometimes in the last 
stage of decomposition, nothing but the two staring eyes 
and a few feathers remaining. Professor Babington's 
coin, PI. XIII. No. 17, supplies a link in the chain of 
imitations between these little pieces and their original 
prototypes. PI. XIII. No. 18, especially, preserves the 
characteristic features of the prototype, the profile in this 
specimen being quite distinct. 

The date of these coins is not difficult to fix, if we may 
judge by the fabric, which is identical with that of the 
small copper coins struck in Judaea during the last 
century before the Christian sera, and for some time 

Among them, and at first sight hardly to be distin- 
guished from the rest, I have found coins struck by 
the Maccabaaan princes, Alexander Jannaeus and Alex- 
ander II., a coin of Herod Archelaus, and several coins 

4 The obverse side of No. 22 on the Plate has been by an 
oversight placed upside down. 


of Tiberius, one struck in A.D. 30 by Pontius Pilate, also a 
few coins of the Nabathaean king, Aretas II., B.C. 7 to 
A.D. 40. 

I think it may, therefore, be assumed that these barbarous 
little copper pieces with the owl were current in the 
northern districts of Arabia at the same time as the gold 
and later silver owl-money of the country ruled by the 
Himyarite kings in the south, and that for a space of four 
hundred years, or thereabouts, imitations of the coins of 
Athens, at first of the ancient, and later on of the new 
style, were from time to time fabricated in Arabia. 




I HAVE the pleasure of exhibiting this evening one of 
the rarest coins of the English series, the Portcullis groat 
of Henry VII. The only other specimen with which I 
am acquainted is that engraved in Ruding, Supplement, 
Plate XVI., Number 16, and cited by Hawkins, Kenyon's 
edition, page 267. From this coin, which is now in the 
British Museum, my example seems to differ in one or 
two minor particulars. The coin may be thus described : 

GETS y Rax ATYRGL y S ' 

Full-faced bust of the king, with a crown showing 
four arches ; on either side of the neck a small qua- 
trefoil or cross. The whole within a double tressure 
of ten arches ; the two upper ones omitted to make 
room for the crown, the cross at the top of which oc- 
cupies the place of mint-mark. 

DIVTOE ecAmavmy. Mm., 

fleur de lis. On inner circle CCIVI TftS LOR DOR. 
Cross as usual, but in centre a portcullis of five pales 
and four rails, with round linked chain on either side. 

Weight, 45 gr. 

On the Museum coin the crosses at the side of the neck 
are almost invisible, though they can just be traced. 
From the careful manner in which this piece has been 
struck and from the extreme rarity of this variety of the 



groat, it appears doubtful whether it should not be re- 
garded as a pattern-piece rather than as a coin intended 
for actual currency. The type is that of the second coin- 
age of Henry (Hawkins, No. 371) ; but the date of the 
first issue of this type is uncertain. The weight is about 
the same as that of the ordinary groats of the second coin- 
age of Henry VII. 

The prominent manner in which the portcullis, the well- 
known and favourite badge of Henry VII., is brought 
forward on this coin renders it of considerable interest ; 
and it may not be amiss to say a few words with regard 
to this device, which appears so frequently among the 
decorations of the Chapel of Henry VII. at Westminster. 
It also appears upon his tomb with the motto ALTERA 
SECTJRITAS, and it will be remembered that the same port- 
cullis and the same motto appear on the reverse of the 
rare medal of Henry VIII. engraved by Evelyn (page 
87), and in the Medallic History of England (Plate IV. 2). 
With regard to the badge upon the tomb of Henry VII. 
Sandford 1 observes " His monument is also adorned with 
the Portcullis in respect of his descent (by his mother) 
from the Beaufort*, to which he added the motto ALTERA 
SECURITAS, its probable meaning thereby that as the Port- 
cullis was an additional security to the Gate, so his 
descent from his mother strengthened his other titles. 
From this devise he also instituted another Pursuivant 
named Portcullis." 

The Portcullis then was the badge of the Beaufort family, 
and the adoption of this device may be thus explained. 
John of Gaunt, fourth son of Edward III., having in the 
first instance married Blanche of Lancaster, his eldest son 

1 " Geneal. Hist.," p. 464. 


by whom became afterwards Henry IV., took after her 
death Constance of Castille as his second wife, by whom 
he had only one child. Two years after the death of his 
second wife, he in 1396 scandalized the whole of his rela- 
tions and the court of Richard II. by taking as his third 
wife Dame Katherine Swynford, of whose antecedents it 
will be well to give some short account. She was the 
daughter of Sir Payn Roet, who had been in the service of 
Queen Philippa of Hainault. He was subsequently herald 
to the Duke of Lancaster, and resided at Beaufort 2 in 
Anjou, about sixteen miles from Angers, the castle of 
which place belonged to John of Gaunt. She married Sir 
Otes Swynford, Knight, being of the household of the 
Duchess Blanche of Lancaster, and managed to ingratiate 
herself to such an extent with the Duke, that during the 
lifetime of his first and second wives Blanche of Lan- 
caster and Constance of Castille, she was appointed " Guar- 
dianess " to his daughters, the ladies Philippa and Eliza- 
beth, during their minority. For this " bone et greable 
Service quelle nostre treschier and bien amee Dame Kathe- 
rine Swynford, Maistresse de nos tresames filles," rendered 
to him and his daughters, John of Gaunt gave her the 
wardship of Bertram de Sanneby's heir, and subsequently, 
on September 7th, 1381, granted her an annuity of 200 
marks payable out of his honour of Tickhill. 

But not only was Katherine governess to two of the 
Duke of Lancaster's children, but, as Sandford says, as a 
result of his often visiting the nursery she became the 
mother of four more, John, Henry, Thomas, and Joan, all 
surnamed Beaufort, from the place of their birth, a castle 
which had come to the house of Lancaster through 

2 Sandford's " Geneal. Hist.," p. 253. 


Blanche of Artois, Queen of Navarre, wife of Edmund 
the first Earl of Lancaster. There is little doubt of 
Katherine's husband as well as one or other of John of 
Gaunt's wives having been living at the time when these 
children were born, so that Richard III. may perhaps be 
pardoned for having in one of his Proclamations stigma- 
tized Henry of Richmond's ancestors, the Beauforts, as 
having been born in double advouterie. 

Still, after the death of Constance of Castille, John of 
Gaunt did all that lay in his power to re-establish the 
reputation of Katherine Swynford by marriage, she being 
then a widow ; for after staying with Richard II. at King's 
Langley, he " rode to Lyncolle where Kateryne Swyn- 
forde's abyding was as at that tyme. And after the utas 
(octaves) of XII day the duke wedded the seyde Kateryne ; 
the wheche weddyng caused inony a monnus wonderyng 
for, as hit was seyde, he haad holde heere longe before." 3 

The wedding took place in 1396, and the Duke's family 
were not a little scandalized at the event. 4 Froissart says, 
when this marriage was announced to the ladies of high 
rank in England, such as the Duchess of Gloucester (John 
of Gaunt's sister-in-law), the Countess of Derby (his 
daughter-in-law), the Countess of Arundel and others 
connected with the royal family, they were greatly 
shocked and thought the Duke much to blame. They 
said, " he had sadly disgraced himself by thus marrying 
his concubine ; " and added that " since it was so, she 
would be the second lady in the kingdom, and the queen 
would be dishonourably accompanied by her ; but that for 
their parts they would leave her to do the honours alone, 
for they would never enter any place where she was. 

3 " An English Chronicle," Camden Soc., 1855, p. 114. 

4 Book iv. chap. 73. 


They themselves would be disgraced if they suffered such 
a base-born duchess, who had been the duke's concubine 
a long time before and during his marriages, to take pre- 
cedence, and their hearts would burst with grief were it 
to happen." However, as Froissart goes on to say, 
" Catherine Rouet remained Duchess of Lancaster and 
second lady in England as long as she lived. She was a 
lady accustomed to honours, for she had been brought up 
at court during her youth." 

Katherine died on May 10th, 1403, having seen her 
children legitimated by Act of Parliament in February, 
1397. She was buried in Lincoln Cathedral, the scene of 
her second wedding, where also her daughter, Joan, 
Countess of Westmoreland, was interred but a few years 
afterwards. It is needless to trace the history of her sons, 
but it may be observed that the coats of arms which they 
had hitherto borne were then changed on their legitimation, 
and they assumed France and England quarterly within a 
bordure gobony argent and azure. Their badge of the 
portcullis was, as Willement 5 observes, evidently the type 
of the castle of Beaufort, the place of their nativity and 
from which they derived their surname. 

To return to Henry VII., whose mother Margaret 
was the granddaughter of John, Katherine's eldest son. 
Although the portcullis seems to have been one of his 
favourite badges, it is rather remarkable that it does not 
occur as the mint-mark or type on any of his coins with 
the exception of this groat. On those of his successors 
the case is different. Not only is it a frequent mint-mark 
with Henry VIII., but it was in use also under Elizabeth 
and Charles I. On the gold sovereigns and other pieces 

5 " Regal Heraldry," p. 85. 


of the sovereign type it occupies a distinguished place 
beneath the feet of each monarch from Henry VIII. to 
James I. inclusive, while on many of the smaller silver 
coins it forms the principal type of the obverse, in the 
reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Elizabeth and 
James I. 

Under Elizabeth we find it used as a countermark for 
the testoons of Edward VI., which were valued at 4%d. t 
while the greyhound was reserved for those worth only 
2%d. ; and about 1600, when Elizabeth was induced to 
strike a coinage for the use of the East India Company, 
the portcullis was adopted as the type of the reverse. 

In more modern times we still find it surviving as the 
badge of the Exchequer Office, and as the principal 
charge in the arms of the City of Westminster and of 
the Borough of Harwich. 




No. III. 


NONE of the medals of James VI. struck after his accession 
to the throne of England bear any special reference to 
Scotland or Scottish events. 

In the reign of his successor, the first to be specially 
noted is the Coronation Medal for Scotland : 


1.(a)Obv. The king's head crowned to the left; the bust 
adorned with the orders of the Thistle and 


Rev. A thistle growing. 


In exergue CORON 18 JVNII 
1633 -B- 


Round the edge EX AVRO VT IN SCOTIA 

Metal, Jf. M. Size, 1-&- inch. = 28'5 m - 
Artist, Nicolas Briot. Cabinets, M3., Hunterian. 

Jt is said that only three of these were struck in gold. 1 
One of these is recorded as " being much worn in his 
Majesty's (Charles I.) pocket/' 2 

Some specimens were struck in silver, with the legend 
round the edge unaltered. One of these is in the Cab. 
des Medailles in Paris, and another in my own collection. 

(b) The common variety is as follows : 

Obv. The king's head crowned to left, but a different die 
from the preceding. 


It will be observed that the legend also differs in read- 
ing REX instead of R. 

fiev. A thistle growing ; with legends as in (a). 

This also occurs in silver. 

In Sir James Balfour's account of the coronation of 
Charles I. it is recorded 3 that immediately after the 
ceremony " the pices of gold and silver coyned for that 
purpois wes flunge all the way as he went, by the 
Bischope of Murray, almoner for the tyme, among the 
people." The medal is figured by Pinkerton in his 
" Medallic History," Plate XV., Fig. 19, and described in 
the same work (p. 44) and also in the " Essay on Medals," 

1 Pinkerton's Essay, vol. ii. p. 148. 

2 Harl. MSS. Brit. M. Lib. 4718, f. 28. 

3 "Historical Works" (1825), vol. iv. p. 403. 


(1808), vol. ii. p. 147, and in Till's "Essay on English 
Coronation Medals" (1846), p. 13. The next medals of 
this reign belonging to Scotland were struck in 1639, and 
relate to the royal advance to the North 'against the 

2. (a) Obv. The king on horseback to the left, trampling on 
arms and armour. 


(Legend commencing at the bottom.) 
In exergue 1639 

Rev. A hand issuing from the clouds holding up a rose 
and thistle by a twisted rope. 


Metal, Jf. M. Size, 1H inch.=32 m - 
Artist, T. Simon. Cabinets, common. 

[Figured in Pinkerton's " Medallic History," 
PI. XVI., fig. 11, but without showing the twist- 
ing of the rope.] 

(b) Another variety of this medal is smaller in size ; 
has no date on the obverse ; a fleur-de-lis mark in the 
legend, and the rope on the reverse does not show the 

Obv, As the preceding. 

Legend as above, but commencing at the top with 
fleur-de-lis, and with no inner circle on obverse 
or reverse. 

Rev. As the preceding, but the rope not twisted. 

Metal, M. Size, 1-fo inch.=27 m - 
Artist, T. Simon. Cabinets, common. 
[Figured in Pink., Med. Hist.," PL XVI. f. 8.] 



(c) Another variety has the obverse legend commencing 
at the top after a fleur-de-lis ; no exergue. 

Rev. Same die as (a). 

S within shoulder of cuirass on ground. 

Size, 1-B inch.=32 m Metal, N. JR. 

Artist, T. Simon. Cabinet, IkB. 

(d) Another variety, similar obverse, but the king 
wears no scarf over the armour. Reverse different die ; 
no S on armour. 

Size, 1H inch.=32 m - Metal, N. JR. 
Artist, T. Simon. Cabinet, AB. 

(e) A variety of (b] has T. S. in the shoulder of cuirass 
on the ground. MJ. 


The coronation of Charles II. at Scone in 1651 was 
celebrated by a medal which is now far from common. It 
is of inferior work to the coronation medal of his father. 

8. Obv. The king's head crowned to the right, wearing the 
collars of the Thistle and Garter. 

EEX PI DE cor i ia scon 1651 

Rev. A lion supporting a three-headed thistle. 


Metal, N. JR. Size, !& inch. = 81 m - 
Artist, unknown. Cabinets, M3, &c. 

[Figured in Pinkerton's " Medallic Hist.," PL 
XXVI. No. 3, and described p. 77. See also 
Till's " Coronation Medals," p. 27.] 



The only medal of this unfortunate monarch which 
seems to have any reference to his northern dominions, 
bears on the 

(4.) Obv. The king's head to the right, wreathed with laurel. 

ET HIB EEX. A small star below the bust. 

Rev. A crowned lion lying down with sceptre and mond. 

In the exergue MDCLXXXV. 

Metal, M. Size, 1& inch. = 49 m - 
Artist, J. Smeltzing. Cabinets, M3 and author. 

[Figured by Pinkerton, "Med. Hist.," PI. 
XXXVII. fig. 5 ; Van Loon, vol. iii. p. 303.] 

This very rare medal is said by Hawkins to have been 
struck at the opening of the Scottish Parliament in April, 



() Obv. The queen's bust crowned to left, with collar and 
star of the Garter. 

ANNA D : & MAG : BEI : FE : ET HIB . 
EEG : i.e. below bust. 

Eev. The lion and unicorn supporting an altar with A.R. 
twice in monogram, surmounted by the union 
arms of Great Britain. 


Metal, N. M. M. Size, f inch.=47 m - 

Artist, J. Croker. Cabinets, common. 

(b) The same type and legends, but one inch in diameter 
and wanting the artist's initials. 


There are two varieties of this. One has a loose cloak 
fastened at shoulder and falling in front and behind. The 
second has it falling behind only. See Koarnlein's " Thes. 
Numis." (Nov. 1711), p. 677. 

SCOTLAND, 1708. 

(a) Ofo. The queen's bust to left (^ below it). 


Rev. The French fleet pursued by the English : SCOTIA 
named and represented in the background. 

(See Hor. Lib. iv. Od. 4, v. 52.) 

In exergue 





Round the edge the following legend 


Metal, M. Size, 1^ - inch.=41 m - 

Artist, Croker. Cabinets, common. 

[Figured by Van Loon, vol. v. p. 100. See 
also Kosrnlein, "Thes. Numis.," p. 772.] 

The inscriptions on the edge of this and several other 
medals on this event seem to have escaped Van Loon's 

(b) Obv. The queen's bust, crowned with laurel. 


(S below bust.) 


Rev. The sceptre, with a rose and thistle twining up it, 
surmounted by an eye ; on the one side the 
capture of the Salisbury is represented ; on the 
other, prisoners being conducted to the Tower. 

In the exergue 


Metal, M. Size, lf inch.=47'5 m - 

Artist, Smeltzing. Cabinets, M3 and author. 

[Van Loon, vol. iv. p. 100 ; Rapin, PI. V. fig. 4.] 

(c) Obv. The queen's bust crowned to the left. 


(CW below bust). 












[Figured in Van Loon, vol. v. p. 100, who 
omits the artist's initials. So also Kapin, PI. V. 
fig. 5, who copies Van Loon's errors in every case.] 


Metal, M. Sine, 1-jV inch. 

Artist, Christian Wermuth. 

Cabinets, M5 (from Bank Collection). 

4 Sic in Van Loon, but UNITES on the medal. 

5 S/c in Van Loon. 


(rf) Obv. The same bust and legends as the obverse of (c) ; 
but in Van Loon's plate U in the UNIT^E of the 
legend is given correctly. C.W. also appears 
below the bust. 

Rev. Wisdom enthroned amidst the clouds, holding a 
sceptre in the right hand and a closed book in 
the left. 



Metal, M. Size, l-^- inch. 
Artist, Christian Wermuth. Cabinets, rare. 

[Figured in Van Loon, vol. 5, p. 100, and 
Rapin, PI. V. fig. 6.] 

I have not seen an example of this medal, but in all 
probability there is a legend round the edge, as on the 
preceding one, by the same artist. 

5. Ob Vt The same head and legend, with CW below the 















Metal, M. Size, 1-iV inch. 
Artist, Christian Wermuth. Cabinets, rare. 

[Figured by Van Loon, vol. v. p. 103, and 
Rapin, PI. V. fig. 9.] 

6. Obv. The queen's bust to left uncrowned. 

ANNA D : G : MAG : BEI : FEA : ET HIB : 
EEG : (i c below.) 


Rev. An armed female figure protecting another, repre- 
senting Scotland, alarmed at the French invasion; 
French fleet in the distance. 

In exergue 


In right-hand corner, S. B. 

Metal, JR. and M. Size, l-ft- inch.=41 m - 

Artist, J. Croker and S. B. (?) 

Cabinets, MS and author. 

[See Van Loon, v. p. 103, and Rapin, PI. V. 
fig. 10.] 

7. Obv. The queen's head crowned to the left. 








Metal, Size, 1^ inch.=41 m - 

Artist, Cabinets, 

[Figured by Van Loon, vol. v. p. 103, and 
Rapin, PL V., fig. 11 ; but as I have never seen 
an example of this medal I am unable to give 
any further particulars.] 

8. Obv. The same type and legend as the immediately pre- 



Rev. Bellona with a trident in her hand, seated in a car 
drawn by horses, pursues monsters half human, 
half fish, with fleur-de-lis on their heads. 

In exergue 


The legend is taken from Virgil, ^2. lib. i., ver. 

Metal, Size, 

Artist, Cabinets, 

[Figured by Van Loon, vol. v. p. 103, and 
Rapin, PL V. fig. 12.] 

I am unable to give any particulars about this medal, 
not having seen any example of it. 

9. Obv. Bust of the queen to left, laureated and with neck- 

ANNA D : G : MAG : BR : FRA : ET . HIB : 

(An exceedingly small M3 on the folds of the 

Rev. An ass about to eat a thistle is repelled by a female 
figure holding out to it a rose to smell. 


In exergue 


Round the edge 

SERM , L . 1 . 


Metal, M. Size, lf$ inch.=43 m - 
Artist, Martin Brunner (?). Cabinets, common. 

[Figured by Van Loon, vol. 5, p. 100, and 
Rapin, PI. V. fig. 7.] 

I am very much indebted to Mr. C. F. Keary for going 
over the foregoing papers on the " Metallic History of 
Scotland/' and giving me the details of such pieces as 
were in the Museum collection. It is highly likely that 
some of the medals figured in Yan Loon noted above, 
have inscriptions on the edge which are omitted in his 
work. There is also a good deal to be discovered yet 
regarding the artists of the various medals. Any infor- 
mation on these points, or regarding any medals omitted 
from the present series, will be gladly acknowledged by 
the author. 



February, 1878. 



Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grogsen in Baktrien und Indien. 
I. Historische Uebersicht. Berlin, 1878. 

Dr. von Sallet's work does not pretend to much originality, or 
to be an exhaustive treatise on the subject of the Baetrian kings. 
He only attempts as a sound and critical numismatist to put 
together what is known for certain about them from history and 
the testimony of coins. He is quite aware that for a complete 
mastery of the subject two qualifications are required a know- 
ledge of Sanskrit and an accurate acquaintance with the habitat 
(so to speak), or the find-spots of each class of coin. Fora modest 
work of this character there is more scope in Germany, where, 
since Lassen, little of importance as to the Greek kings of 
the far East has appeared, than in England, which possesses 
already the works of Wilson, Prinsep, and Cunningham. We 
cannot refrain from expressing, in passing, the wish that the 
last-mentioned writer would republish for a larger public the 
remarkable papers on the coins of the successors of Alexander 
the Great, which are as yet the exclusive possession of the 
members of the Numismatic Society. 

In his first part Dr. von Sallet treats of the historical data for 
a history of the Greek kings of the far East which are fur- 
nished both by ancient writers and extant monuments. His 
task consists of little more than a critical arrangement of 
existing materials. But the introduction of severe criticism, 
combined with a somewhat sceptical tendency, into the field of 
Baetrian numismatics, has had in many respects a revolutionary 
result. We will postpone, until the remainder of Dr. von 
Sallet's work appears, all detailed criticism of his scheme of 
arrangement and his general results. Meanwhile, we are 
glad to see him make war on such barbarous forms as Philoxenes 
(Philoxenus), Menandrus (Menander), Azas (Azes), and so 
forth, forms which give an unscholarly air to some of our best 
works on Baetrian numismatics. P. G. 

A Guide to the select Greek, Roman, and other Coins exhibited 
in Electrotype in Brighton College. By F. W. Madden. 

This little book is quite on the model of Mr. Head's " Guide 
to the Select Greek Coins " of the British Museum, from which, 
indeed, it is very largely borrowed. Its object is praiseworthy : 
namely, to make coins of use in classical education. The selec- 
tion also is, on the whole, fairly representative. But the eye 


of the scholar would, perhaps, have been better trained, and 
his memory not worse, if Mr. Madden had adopted a better 
system of arrangement than one merely geographical ; if he had 
begun with the earliest coins issued in Asia Minor, and so 
gradually traced the art of coming through Greece and Italy 
into the far West. Mr. Madden's system of spelling is also 
unfortunate. Euros is a correct transliteration, and Cyrus 
consecrated by usage ; but Gyros, as Mr. Madden writes it, is 
absurd, the whole accent falling, when an Englishman reads it, 
on the os, which the Greeks scarcely pronounced at all. There 
can be little doubt that the French Patrocle and Ephese repre- 
sent the Greek pronunciation better than Patroclos and Ephesos ; 
but perhaps our Patroclus and Ephesus, where the final u quite 
disappears, are best of all. P. G. 

Monnaies d' argent frappees a Heraclea de Bithynie. Par H. 
Ferdinand Bompois. Paris, 1878. Quelques monnaies anepi- 
yraphes attributes indument a la ville de Maronea en Thrace. Par 
H. Ferdinand Bompois. Paris, 1878. 

These are two very carefully-reasoned papers, and possess, 
like M. Bompois' other works, the advantage of good printing, 
thick paper, and careful revision. The only drawback to M. 
Bompois' elaborate papers is that, as the life of man is limited 
to threescore years and ten, they claim rather too large a 
share of it. The first of the two treatises we have mentioned 
attempts to arrange the coins of Heraclea in chronological 
sequence. It busies itself especially with the letter K, which 
often occurs on them. M. Bompois holds this letter to stand 
for the name of Cleafchus, tyrant of the city, and father of 
Timotheus and Dionysius, whose Heraclean coins are well 
known. In the second paper M. Bompois discusses the attri- 
bution of the archaic coins which bear on the obverse the fore- 
part of a galloping horse, on the reverse two incuse squares 
with a flower in each. These pieces have been attributed by 
Sestini to Clazomena3, by Allier de Hauteroche to Maronea, and 
by Mionnet and Brandis to Cyme in Aeolis. M. Bompois 
accepts this last attribution, and seeks to establish it by the aid 
of a specimen in his own collection, on which he sees the 
letters K Y. Unfortunately he does not, however, seem quite 
certain as to the reading of these letters, and in his woodcut 
they have a somewhat unsatisfactory appearance. In the coins 
of the same type in the British Museum, there is something in 
the field, but not K Y : all which does not prevent the attribu- 
tion to Cyme from being at least as likely as any other. 

P. G, 



To the Editor of the "Numismatic Chronicle." 

SIR, Referring to my Paper upon "English Tin Coins," 
published in the Numismatic Chronicle last year (N.S., vol. 
xvii. p. 358), I have the pleasure of communicating to the Society 
four additional coins, which have come into my possession 
since writing the Paper in question. 

The pieces may be briefly described as follows : 

1. Halfpenny of William and Mary, similar to those previously 

described, except as to date, which is 1691 on the exergue, and 
1692 on the edge. 

2. Halfpenny of the same reign, with date 1691 on edge and in 

exergue. The peculiarity of this coin lies in the portraits, 
which are totally unlike the current type, being of coarser 
workmanship. I apprehend, however, that it is a genuine 

3. Farthing, also of the same reign, of the date 1692, both on edge 

and in exergue, but differing from No. 3 of my Paper in the 
date, which has much smaller figures, and the presence of a 
dot after the word BEITANNIA. 

4. Pattern Halfpenny. Obv. busts to left. GVLIELMVS ET 

MAEIA D G Rev. two hands coming from clouds at the 
sides, and holding a sceptre crowned. IVNGIT AMOR 
PATRLZEQ, SA.LVS This halfpenny occurs in silver, and, 
far more rarely, in copper ; but I have never before seen it in 

I am, Sir, yours faithfully, 

October nth, 1878. 

BISHAM TREASURE-TROVE. The following is an analysis of a 
hoard of 218 gold coins found at Bisham Abbey, Berkshire, the 
property of George Vansittart, Esq. 

Henry V. ; noble ; annulet to left of figure ; lis after fySRBICI ; trefoils 

between words 1 

Edward IV. ; rials ; trefoils between words 5 

Do. rial ; mint-mark, sun 1 



EEenry VII. ; angel ; mint-mark, pheon . . . 
Do. half-angel ; mint-mark, pheon . 

Elenry VIII. ; half-sovereigns 
viz. : 




Var. 1. Obv. ^GCRRId' . 8 : D' . G 7VGL' 





FRARdieC Z tyEB'. RdX. 



SttaD' : ILLOR' . IB7VT . . . 






Var. 2. Obv. Same. 


maD' . ILLOR' . IBAT . . . 



Var. 3. Obv. Same. 

Rev. As last ; but, MED ..... 




Var. 4. Obv. HdNRId 8 D . G . AGL . 

FRANdl' . Z HIB' . REX. 



Var. 5. Obv. Var. two d's only Gothic. 




Var. 6. Obv. HERRId' . 8 . D' . G' . TOL 

FRftNdl' . Z HIB' . REX. 

Rev. IHS . AVTE' . TRARSId' . PdR 

SftaD' . ILLOR' . IBAT . . . 



Var. 7. Obv. Same as No. 6. 

Rev Same as No 3 .... 



Var. 8. Obv. HENRId' . 8 D' . G' . AGL' . 

FRANdl' . Z . HIB . REX. 

R eVt Same as No. 3. 





Having young figure on obv. (Edward VI ?) 

Var. 9. Obv. HENRIC . 8 . D . G . AGL . FRANC . Z . HIB . REX. 

Rev. Same as No. 3. Mint-marks E, 13 ; GC, 1; martlet, 9 ; 

lis, 3; pheon, 27; grapnel (?), 2; saltire, 9 ; uncertain, 

6; none, 11. Total ............ 


lenry "VIII. ; crowns 

viz. : 

Var. 1. Obv. HENRIC' . 8 RVTILA . ROSA . SINE : SPI (varied). 
Rev. DEI GRA AGL FRA Z HIB REX. Mint-marks 

martlet, 1 ; pheon, 3 ; dagger, 3. Total .... 7 



Var. 2. Obv. t]ff RRId' 8 ROS7V SIR6C SPIR6C (sic) or SPIR. 
Rev. DGCI : 6R7V : A6L : FRTVRd : Z : tylB : RGCX. 

Mint-mark, O 3 

Var. 3. Obv. Same legend ; var. quatrefoil after ROS7T ; trefoil 

slipped after SPIN6C. 
Rev. Similar; var. D . 6 TOGLIGC, &c. Mint-mark (rev. 

only) Vf 4 

Yar. 4. Obv. ^etRRICt : YII1 ROS7Y (quatrefoil) SIRC . SPINS 

Rev. D . 6 . TVRGLieC (quatrefoil) FEAR' . Z . tjIB . 

R6CX . Mint-mark (rev. only) Vf 4 

Var. 5. Obv. Same legend ; var. quatrefoil saltire-wise after VIII. ; 

cinquefoil at end. 
Rev. Same as No. 4 1 

Var. 6. Obv. Same as No. 5. 

Rev. Similar to No. 4 ; var. 7YR6L, cinquefoil at end . . 6 

Edward VI. ; sovereign. Mint-mark, Y ; cinquefoil at end of obv. inscr. 1 

Edward VI. ; half-sovereigns 28 

viz. : 
Type 1. Throned, in long robes. Mint-mark, E 1 

Type 2. Crowned bust. Mint-marks Y, 4; pheon, 1; duck, 9; 

grapnel, 1 15 

TypeS. Bareheaded bust. Mint-marks Y, 4 ; pheon, 8 . . .12 
Elizabeth ; half-sovereign. Mint-marks cross crosslet, 9 ; rose, 1 . . 10 
Elizabeth ; half-crown. Mint-mark cross crosslet, 2 2 


Italy, Venice. Francesco Venerio (1554 1556) ; zecchino 1 

Spain, Kingdom. Ferdinand and Isabella (Heiss, i. PI. 20, No. 65, &c.). 6 

Spain, Barcelona. Joanna and Charles (V.) (1521) ; corona (Heiss, ii. 
p. 92, No. 3) 1 

Portugal. D.Manuel (14951521); Portoguez d'ouro of 10 crusados 
(Fernandes, p. 113) 1 

C. F. K. 


A and CD o n coins, 31 et seq. 

Abd-Hadad, coins of, 103 

Ab<*arus, coin of, 215 

Acarnania, coin of, 100 

Mlia. Placidia, coins of, 43 

^Etolia, coins of, 97 

Alexander, Phoenician form of, 103, 


Alexander, St., on coins, 189 
Alexius I., coins of, 207, 212 
Alexius II., coins of, 214 
ANACTACIC, the legend, 192 
Anastasius I., coins of, 159, 193 
Andronicus, St., on coins, 190 
Anne, medals of, 295 
Antiochus I., coins of, 92 
Arcadius, coins of, 46 
Aripert, coin of, 254 
Astaulf, coins of, 254 
Atergatis, the Goddess, 103 
Athalaric, coins of, 154 
Athens, imitations of coins of, 273 
Augustus, head of, on Himyarite 

coins, 282 


Baduila, coins of, 159 

Bambyce, coins of, 103 

Barbarian imitations of Roman 

coins, 49, 132 
Basil I., coins of, 204 
Beaufort Family, the, 287 
Beneventum, Dukes of, 255 
Bermuda, II pence, 166 
Blachernfe, the Virgin of, 207 
BOMPOIS, M. FEKDINAND, his papers 

on coins of Heraclea and Maro- 

nea noticed, 303 

Burgundian coins, 67 
Burton, Capt. Richard, his dis- 
covery of coins in Midian, 283 


Caracalla, coin of, 120 
Carystus, coin of, 97 
Chalcis, coin of, 99 
Charibert II., coins of, 242 
Charles I., medals of, 291 
Charles II., medal of, 294 
Childebert, coin of, 237 
Childebert II., coins of, 238 
Childeric, coins of, 243 
Chramnus, coin of, 237 
Christ, bust of, on coins, 177 
Clotaire, coins of, 239 
Clovis II., coins of, 242 
C. N., the mark, 144 
Conslans, coins of, 24 et seq. 
Constantino the Great, coins of, 15, 

199 et seq. 
Constantino II., coins of, 12, 14, 


Constantino V., coins of, 202 
Constantiiie X., coins of, 204 
Constantino XII., coins of, 2)3 
Constantine, St., on coins, 189 
Constantius II., coins of, 12 
Constantius Gallus, coins of, 35 
Crispus, coins of, 1 1 
Cross on coins, 23 
Cunipert, coins of, 253 


Dagobert, coins of, 240 
Decentius, coins of, 35 
Demetrius, St., on coins, 190 
Desiderius, coins of, 255 



Diadem, the, 1 

Douglas, Lady Margaret, presumed 

medal of, 74 
Dunfennline, Earl of, medal of, 79 


Edward VI., gold coins of, 306 
Electryona, coin of, 271 
Erskine, Sir Charles, medal of, 79 
Euboea, wife of Antiochus III., 

portrait of, 99 
Eudoxia, coins of, 45 
Eugenius, St., on coins, 190, 214 
F.R.S. :- 

The Portcullis Groat of Henry 
VII., 285 


Fausta, coins of, 13 
Finds of Coins : 

Bisham, 305 

San'a, 278 


Macedonian and Greek Coins 

of the Seleucidse, 90 
Numismatic reattributions Pha- 

nes, Lamia, Electryona, 261 
Gelimir, coins of, 139 
George, St., on coins, 189, 214 
Gontran, St., coin of (?), 237 
Grimoald III. and IV., coins of, 


Hamilton, Isabella, medal of, 75 
On an unpublished archaic tetra- 

drachm of Olynthus, 85 
On Himyarite and other Arabian 
Imitations of Coins of Athens, 
Henry VII., the Portcullis Groat 

of, 285 

Henry VIII., gold coins of, 305 
Heraclius, coins of, 202 
Hierapolis in Syria, coins of, 103 
Hilderic, coins of, 139 
Note on tin coins of William and 

Mary, 304 

Hog Money, Bermuda 2d, 166 
Honorius, coins of, 43, 140 


1C XC on coins, 179 


James II., medal of, 295 

John I., Zimisces, coin of, 203, 213 

John II., Comnenus, 214 

John, St., on coins, 190 

Jovian, coins of, 41 

Julia, Mamaoa, coin of, 119 

Julian, coins of, 35 

Justin I., coins of, 153 

Justin II., coins of, 143 

Justinian I., coins of, 154, 201 

Justinian II., coins of, 203, 256 


Karthago, the inscription, 142 
KEARY, C. F., ESQ., M.A. : 
The Coinages of Western Europe 
from the Fall of the Empire to 
the Accession of Charlemagne, 
49, 132, 216 

Lamia, coin of, 266 


On a new piece of Bermuda Hog 
Money, of the value of two- 
pence, 166 
Lenormant, F., La Monnaie dans 

I'antiquite, noticed, 84 
Leo I., coins of, 48 
Leo IV., coins of, 202 
Leo VI., coin of, 207 
Leovigild, coins of, 233 
Lombard coins, 251 
Loudon, Earl of, medal of, 78 
Luitprand, coins of, 254 


Macedonian Coins of the Seleucidae, 


MADDEN, F. W., ESQ. : 
Christian Emblems on the Coins 
of Constantine I. and his Suc- 
cessors, 1, 169 
His Guide to Coins in Brighton 

College noticed, 303 
Magnentius, coins of, 36 
Mahomet II., coins of, 196 
Manuel I., coin of, 206 
Matasunda, coins of, 158 



Mauriciu?, Tiberius, coins of, 230 
Maxentius, coin of, 198, 215 
Melanges de Numismatiquo noticed, 


Merovingian Coins, 67, 216 
Michael, St., on coins, 189, 253, 257 
Michael VII., coin of, 206 
Michael VIIL, coin of, 210 
Midian, coins from, 283 


Nopotian, coins of, 35 
Nicephorus II., coins of, 213 
Nimbus, the, on coins, 9, 178 
M utnismatische Zeitschrift, noticed, 


Olyuthus, Aichaic tetradrachm of, 

Ostrogotbic coins, 132, 149 


SCOT. : 

Notes towards a Metallic His- 
tory of Scotland, No. 2, 73 ; 
No. 3, 291 
Thanes, coin of, 262 
Phoenician Legends, 103 et seq. 
Portcullis, the, on coins, 286 


PKE, the mark, 144 
Radelchis, coins of, 2oS 
Ravenna, coins of, 156, 162 
Rhodes, coins of, 271 
Roma, Invicta, coins of, 162 
Romanua II., coins of, 204 
Romanus IV., c.jins of, 212 


Sabaean coins, 273 
Si'.llet, Dr. von, his work on Bactrian 

coins noticed, 302 
Schevez, Archbp., medal of, 74 
Schlumberger's Numismatiquc de 

1' Orient Latin noticed, 259 
Scottish Medals, 73, 291 
Seleucidffi, Macedonian and Greek 

coins of, 90 
2HMA, the word, 263 

Seraph on coins, 191 
Se'on, Lord, medal of, 75 
Severus, Alexander, coin of, 119 
Sicaredus, coins of, 258 
Sigebert I., coin of, 237 
Sigebert II., coin of, 242 
Sigo, coins of, 257 
Six, MONS. J. P., Monnaies d'Hiera- 

polis en Syrie, 183 
Suevian coins, 67 
Swynford, Dame Katherine, 287 

Theia, coins of, 161 
Theodahatus, coins of, 156 
Tli eod ebert I., coin of, 235 
Theodebert II., coin of, 240 
Theodora, coin of, 204 
Theodore, St., on coin, 190 
Theodoric I., coins of, 152 
Theodoric I L, coin of, 240 
Theodoric III., coin of, 244 
Theodosius L, coins of, 42 
Thrasamund, coins of, 138 
Tiberius, Constantine, coin of, 201 
Trajan, coins of, 121 
Traquair, Earl of, medal of, 77 


Uranopolis, coin of, 90 


Valentinian I. to III., coins of, 41 

et s q 

Vandalic coins, 67, 137 
Vetranio, coins of, 35 
Virgin Mary on coins, 183, 207 
Vi.sigotbic coins, 67, 246 


William and Mary, tin coins of, 

Witiges, coins of, 158 

XLU, the mark, 145 
XXXX, the mark, 145 


Zeitschrift fur Numistnatik no- 
ticed, 90 



VOL. XVin. ,\.s. T T 

. M. 




GJ The Numismatic chronicle 

1 and journal of the Royal 

N6 Numismatic Society